संविधानसभाको संरचना कस्तो हुनु पर्छ? -५ (Source: INSN.org)

- महेश्वर श्रेष्ठ

दलितहरु बारे

संविधानसभामा प्रतिनिधित्व गर्ने सवालमा ३० लाखभन्दा बढी संख्यामा रहेका दलितहरुको प्रतिनिधित्व बारे नसोचिएमा ठूलो भूल हुनेछ । दलितहरु पनि पहाडिया र तर्राईवासी गरी दुई थरी छन् । पहाडिया दलितहरुको जनसंख्या १६१५५३७ छ भने तर्राईवासी दलितहरुको संख्या १४०५८४९ छ । यी दलितहरुमा पनि कतिपय जातजातिहरु छन् । पहाडिया दलितहरुमा कामी, दमाई, सार्की, गाइने र बादी जातका छन् । उनीहरुको जनसंख्या क्रमसः ८९५९५४, ३९०३०५, ३१८९८९, ५८८७ र ४४४२ छ । तर्राईका दलितहरुमा पनि १७ जात पाइएको छ जसमध्ये चमार (हरिजन, राम)-२६९६६१, मुसहर-१७२४३४, दुसाध (पासवान)-१५८५२५, धोबी-७३४१३, खत्वे-७४९७२, तात्मा- ७६५१२, सतार (संथाल)-४२६९८, झाँगड (धाँगड)-४१७६४, बाँतर-३५८३९, कहार-३४५३१, माली-११३९०, डोम-८९३१, हलखोर-३६२१, पत्थरकट्टा (कुशवाडिया)-५२२, राज्यले दलित भनी परिभाष्ति नभएका अन्य सम्भावित दलितहरुमा सोनार-१४५०८८, लोहार-८२६३७ र जात नखुलेका अन्य दलितहरु १७३४०१ संख्यामा पाइएका छन् । (यी जातजातिहरुलाई दलित भन्ने परिभाषा श्री हीरा विश्वकर्माको ‘दलितहरु को हुन र उनीहरुको पहिचान के हो’ शीर्षक कार्यपत्रबाट साभार गरिएको हो ।)

जातिय, भाषिक, साँस्कृतिक एवं भोगोलिक भिन्नताका कारण पहाड र तर्राईका दलितहरु बीचको सहकार्य तत्काल सम्भव देखिन्न । तर्सथ उनीहरुले स्पष्ट रुपमा पहाडे र तर्राई दलितको रुपमा अलग अलग सहकार्य गर्दा नै उचित हुने देखिन्छ । पहाडे दलितमा कामी, दमाई र सार्कीहरुले आआफ्नो प्रतिनिधि उठाउन सक्ने संख्यामा छन् । तर गाइने र बादीको संख्या अति कम भएकोले कामी, दमाई र सार्की मध्ये भावनात्मक रुपले नजिक जातका दलितसंग सहकार्य गर्दा बेस हुन्छ । तर्राईका दलितहरुमा कोही छूत जातजातिका छन्, कोही अछूत जातजातिका छन् । हुन त छुवाछूतको कुप्रथालाई कानूनत ४२ वर्षअघि नै अन्त्य गरिसकिएको हो र हालै मात्र पनि नेपाललाई छूवाछूत रहित मुलुक घोषणा गरिएको छ । तर कानून बनाउँदैमा वा घोषणा गर्दैमा व्यवहारमा यो कुप्रथा एकै पटक उन्मूलन हुने होइन । यसलाई त दर्ीघकालीन साँस्कृतिक क्रान्तिले मात्र समाधान गर्न सक्छ । छुवाछूतको सवालमा तर्राईवासीहरु अझ बढी कट्टर देखिएको सर्न्दर्भमा तर्राईका दलितहरुले पनि छूत र अछूत समूह बनाई सहकार्य गरेमा बढीया हुने देखिन्छ । आफै संगठित हुन नसकिरहेका तर्राईका यी दलितहरुलाई गोलबन्द गरी सहकार्य गर्ने गराउने काम भने एउटा कठीन चुनौति नै हो । यसका लागि सम्बन्धित दलितहरु बीच सिघ्रातिशिघ्र सर्म्पर्क, सम्बन्ध, अन्तरकृया, समझदारी को गृहकार्य हुनु जरुरी छ ।

RIGHTS-NEPAL: Untouchability Persists Despite Ban

Marty Logan

KATHMANDU, Jun 11 (IPS) - In 1955 Nepal’s revised civil code outlawed untouchability; in 2002 the government created the National Dalit Commission; and three years ago a new leadership pledged to lay charges against anyone accused of discriminating against untouchables, also known as dalits (the broken).

Since then police have opened just two cases for the crime and neither has reached the courts. “Incidents are happening day-to-day in every corner of the country and are reported in the
media butàno one has spent one hour in jail,” says Ratna Bahadur Bagchand, executive director of Nepal’s Lawyers National Campaign Against Untouchability (LANCAU).

Untouchability is the practice of discriminating against those who Hindu tradition has assigned to the lowest ranks of the social hierarchy — often by shunning physical contact with the
person and objects they touch.

More than a year ago, Nepal’s Supreme Court ordered the government to strengthen its law against untouchability. “We watched and waited for the government to do something, but it did
nothing, so we thought ‘we have to do something ourselves’,” Bagchand told IPS in an interview in his office in the maze of alleys just behind Nepal’s newly-revived parliament.

After six months of work, LANCAU submitted a draft bill to the house of representatives May 28, just a week before MPs declared “an end to untouchability” on Jun. 4.

“The practice of untouchability will now onwards be considered as a social crime and the government will enact laws in such a way that the inhuman and discriminatory practice is more punishable,” said Minister for Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs Narendra Bikram Nembang.

The declaration does not impress Bagchand, whose group in 2004 declared the years 2005-2015 ‘Untouchability Elimination Decade’. “They support it only for show, for cheap
popularity…If they want to make the country free from untouchability, they must pass a law…the whole nation is in favour of this, including the Maoists.”

Neighbouring India, which is socially and culturally similar to Nepal, made untouchability a punishable offence more than half-a- century ago and also reserved seats in legislatures and
in government jobs for dalits. But the practice persists in large pockets and is rarely punished.

Maoist rebels launched their violent revolt against the state a decade ago aiming to end the monarchy and forge a new society that guaranteed justice for dalits and other ‘disadvantaged’
groups, including women and indigenous people (also known as ethnic groups or ‘janajatis’).

Labelled terrorists in 2002, the Maoists forged an uneasy alliance with the opposition alliance of political parties (SPA) in 2005. Together they spearheaded the popular revolt that ended
the autocratic reign of King Gyanendra in the final week of April.

The revived house of representatives has reversed the Maoists’ ‘terrorist’ designation and today rebel leaders are openly campaigning across this small, impoverished state wedged between China and India, while their party workers open offices in towns
and villages.

In just over one month the house of representatives has issued numerous proclamations. First, it declared Nepal a secular state. Formerly the country was the world’s only official Hindu kingdom, despite almost half of its population of 25 million people belonging to more than 50 ethnic groups, many of which did not traditionally practise Hinduism.

Next, the parliament declared it would permit children to be granted citizenship based on their mothers’ citizenship status, not only their father’s. After its pledge to abolish untouchability, on Saturday the house endorsed new rules that completely sideline the monarch from the business of parliament.

From today, the prime minister, all ministers and high-ranking officials will be sworn in at the house, instead of the palace.

Since the Maoists tossed their first homemade ‘pressure-cooker’ bombs from the dirt-poor midwestern hills in 1996, Nepal’s official poverty level has dropped from 42 percent to 31 percent in 2004. But “growth has not been pro-poor — inequality has increased,” says Lynn Bennett of the World Bank.

On Friday, Bennett unveiled some results of her team’s four-year, 700-page report: ‘Unequal Citizens: Nepal Gender and Social Exclusion Assessment’, in the capital Kathmandu.

The country’s “feudal governance systems backed by the culture of the caste system have been very resistant to change,” the researcher told an audience of more than 100 people at a local hotel. Even after the first ‘people’s movement’ in 1990, “the government had gotten used to discussing gender discrimination…but they were still very hesitant to discuss
caste and ethnic discrimination”.

The team’s survey of one man and one woman in 1,000 households in 60 villages found, “In every group men have higher levels of empowerment and social inclusion than women”.

(Empowerment was gauged by such things as respondents’ knowledge of their human rights, how much they used local services and if they belonged to social networks. Inclusion was
based on their own perceptions of their caste/ethnic status and how effectively they could access services and economic opportunities.)

But women in the ‘highest’ castes and ethnic groups had progressed in the past decade. The study concluded that having 10 years of education raised women’s empowerment-inclusion
ranking by 19 percent while group membership boosted it by 5 percent.

“A dalit with three years of schooling who belongs to a group has the same level of empowerment and inclusion as an uneducated (member of those higher groups) who does not belong to a group,”added Bennett.

Among the conclusions of her study, financed by the Bank and the UK Department for International Development in collaboration with Nepal’s National Planning Commission:

- Give up targeted programmes in place of structural change. “Diagnose the barriers that girls, women and Janajatis face in getting access,” said Bennett;
- The government should create inclusion units in key ministries (health, education, finance and general administration) led by powerful chiefs and fuelled by adequate budgets. They should review all programs to ensure they are inclusive; and
- “Better monitoring of inclusion outcomes is critical,” said Bennett.

Ironically, the new government announced Friday it had agreed to a 10 million US dollar loan from the Asian Development Bank to finance a project that targets lower caste and ethnic women in the 15 poorest western districts.

The deal was concluded after three years of negotiations and despite the government failing to meet conditions that include: scrapping all discriminatory legal provisions against women; and
reviving the National Women’s Commission and National Dalit Commission, reported ‘The Kathmandu Post’. (FIN/2006)

For the central office in Kamalpokhari, Kathmandu, the Dalit NGO Federation (DNF) is seeking:

OD Associate Officer and Office Secretary (Associate Officer)

Send your application via email (to: dnfnepal@email.com) with a motivation letter explaining why you want to join DNF and your curriculum vitae. Telephone calls will not be entertained.

Completed applications: July 4th 2006

Test & Interview days: July 6th & 7th 2006

Only short listed candidates will be notified.

We believe in equal opportunities and particularly welcome applications from the Dalit community. We are especially encouraging Dalit women and persons from Dalit minorities to apply.

नया वन्ने संविधानमा दलित अधिकार

टेक ताम्राकार

मानव अधिकारकर्मी अधिवक्ता

एल.एल.एम. संवैधानिक कानुन

tek_tamrakar@yahoo.com

“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”

- Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 1948

भूमिका

माथि उल्लेखित विश्वव्यापी मानव अधिकार घोषणपत्रले आफ्नो शुरुवातमा नै प्रत्येकको आधारुभत अधिकार मर्यादापुर्वक वाँच्न पाउने अधिकारलाई महत्वपूर्ण स्थान दिएको छ । हुन पनि समानता र मानवीय मर्यादा विना अन्य जुनसुकै र जस्तोसुकै अधिकारहरुले पनि पूर्णरुप लिन सक्दैन । समानता र मानवीय मर्यादालाई वास्तवमा आधारुभत अधिकार र प्राकृतिक अधिकारको रुपमा लिनुपर्ने हुन्छ । जन्मतः कोहि पनि ठूलो सानो उच र निच हुनै सक्दैन । भौतिकरुपले सानेा ठूलो हुनु प्राकृतिक भएतापनि अन्य कुनैपनि आधारमा कसैलाई भिन्न र असमान व्यवहार गरिनु कुनैपनि हालतमा जायज र न्यायिक हुन सक्दैन । तसर्थ जुनसुकै प्रकारको भेदभावको अन्त्य गरी वास्तविक समानता र मानवीय मर्यादापूर्ण तरिकाले वाँच्न पाउने अधिकारलाई अव वन्ने संविधानले पहिलो प्राथमिकता दिनु पर्ने हुन्छ । मात्र भौतिक जीवनको अधिकारलाई प्रत्याभुत गर्नमा राज्य मग्न हुने वेला यो कदापि होइन । समय एकाइसौं शताव्दीको हो युग लोक कल्याणकारी राज्य संयन्त्रको हो । मानवीय मुल्य र मान्यताको उच्चतम मुल्यांकन गरी राज्यले संरक्षण र मानवीय सम्मान दिनतिर आफूलाई केन्द्रित गर्न सक्नु पर्दछ ।

घाम जस्तै छर्लङ्ग छ कि दलित समुदाय एकातिर छुवाछुत जस्तो अमानवीय कुप्रथावाट पीडित छ भने अर्कोतिर जात कै आधारमा राज्यको कुनैपनि श्रोत साधन र अंगमा पाउनु पर्ने सामानुपातिक पहुँचवाट पूर्णरुपमा वहिस्कृत छ । शदियौंदेखि संविधान तथा अन्य कुनैपनि कानुन वन्ने प्रकि्रयामा सहभागिता पाउनवाट विाचत दलित समुदायलाई साँच्चिकै राज्यको मुलप्रवाहमा ल्याई राज्यमा पूर्ण साकारात्मक शान्तिलाई प्रत्याभुत गर्ने हो भने अव वन्ने संविधानको प्रकि्रया र संविधानमा समेटिने आधारभुत एवं सारभुत सिद्धान्तमा दलित समुदायका मुलभुत सवालको प्रतिनिधित्वलाई अपरिहार्यरुपमा प्रत्याभुत गरिनु पर्दछ ।

संविधान आफैंमा राजनीतिक दस्तावेज मात्र नभई सबै जनताका इच्छा आकांक्षाको प्रतिबिम्व पनि भएकोले सबैका भावनालाई यसले समेट्न सक्नु पर्दछ । संविधानले देशको भौतिक सामाजिक तथा साँस्कृतिक संरचनालाई कदापि भुल्ने दुष्प्रयास गर्नु हुँदैन । हाम्रो समाज निसन्देह विचित्र र बिविधताले भरिपूर्ण छ । समाज यस कारण विचित्र छ कि मानव मानव वीच जातका कारणले भेदभाव गरिन्छ । कथित निच जातिका समुदायलाई दोश्रो दर्जाको व्यवहार गरिन्छ । त्यस्तै समाजमा बिभिदता छ किनकी यहाँ विभिध भाषभाषि संस्कृति र मान्यताका समुदायकेा वहुल्यता छ । तसर्थ संविधानले महत्वपूर्णरुपमा यसरी समाजमा विद्यमान कुप्रथा अमानवीय व्यवहारलाई जरैदेखि निर्मुल गर्ने गरी विभिन्न संवैधानिक प्राबधानको व्यवस्था गर्नेतिर आफुलाई केन्द्रित गर्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । त्यस्तै अर्कोतिर त्यति नै महत्वपूर्ण कुरा सबैको संस्कृति भाषाभाषि र मुल्यमान्यतालाई सम्मानजनकरुपमा संविधानमा प्रतिनिधित्व दिनुपर्ने हुन्छ ।

दलित अधिकारको संरक्षणका आधारस्तम्भ

राज्यलाई्र साँच्चिकै लोकतान्त्रिक राज्यप्रणालीमा रुपान्तरण गर्ने हो भने अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय मानव अधिकारद्धारा प्रत्याभुत अल्पसंख्यक एवं पछाडि परेका वर्गको सर्वाङ्गिण हकहितका लागि तोकिएका केहि महत्वपूर्णा आधारहरुलाई मध्यनजर गरिनु पर्दछ ।१ अल्पसँख्यकहरुको हकअधिकारसम्बन्धी घोषणापत्र (UN Declarations on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities 1992) लगायत अन्य अनुमोदित विभिन्न मानव अधिकारसम्बन्धी अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सन्धि अभिसन्धिहरुसमेतले२ जातिय तथा अन्य विभिन्न किसिमले विभेदितहरुको हकअधिकारको संरक्षण तथा सम्वद्र्धनका लागि राज्यको प्रमुख कानुन मार्फत मुलतः देहायका विभिन्न ५ कुरामा जोड दिनुपर्ने कुराको उल्लेख गरेको छ ।

१ अविभेदिय अधिकारको संरक्षण

२ साकारात्मक विभेदसम्बन्धी अधिकारको संरक्षण

३ पहिचानको अधिकार

४ राज्यको नीति निर्माणको प्रकि्रयामा सहभागिता तथा प्रतिनिधित्वको अधिकार

५ स्वअस्तित्वको अधिकार

कुनैपनि आधारमा हुने भेदावावको निर्मुल विना प्रत्याभुत गरिएका जस्तोसुकै अधिकारले व्यवहारिक रुप लिन सक्दैन । तसर्थ समानताको अधिकारमा जोड दिदै संविधानले जातजाति िलंग भाषा धर्म संस्कृति भौगोलिक क्षेत्रलगायतका आधारमा भेदभाव गर्न नहुने कुराको उल्लेख गर्नु पर्दछ । जातिय भेदभावलाई दण्डनीय अधिकारका रुपमा उल्लेख गर्नुका साथै यसलाई अमानवीय अवैज्ञानिक तथा अनैतिक कृयाकलाप भएकेा कुरालाई संवैधनिकरुपमा नै उल्लेख गरी जनतालाई सजग गराइनु पर्दछ । त्यस्तै जातिय भेदभावको उन्मुलनका लागि राज्यले ठोस र दण्डनीय कानुन वनाउने कुराको उद्घोषसमेत संविधानमा नै गर्नु सक्नु पर्दछ । सवै स्वतन्त्रता तथा अधिकारको पूर्ण प्रयोगकालागि समानताको अधिकार तथा अविभेदको अधिकार अपरिहार्य भएकोले जातिय भेदभावलाई प्रत्यक्ष तथा परोक्ष तरीकाले राज्यका अंगसमेतले सघाउ पुर् याउने कृयाकलाप गर्न सक्ने पूर्व अभ्यास र भावी सम्भावित अवस्था समेतलाई मध्यनजर राखी प्रष्ट व्यवस्था गर्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । आफ्नो व्यैक्तिक विकासका लागि आवश्यक अवसर प्राप्तिका लागि अन्य प्रकि्रयागत कुरामा समानताको अधिकारलाई मुख्यरुपले जोड दिनु पर्ने हुन्छ ।

यहँ अविभेदिय अधिकारको औपचारिक उद्घॊषणाले मात्र जातिय भेदभाववाट पीडित समुदायले वास्तवमा समानताको अधिकारको प्रयोग र उपभोग गर्न पाउन सक्दैनन । कानुनको अगाडि सबै जाताजाति िलंङ्ग र समुदाय समान छन् तथा कसैलाई पनि भेदभाव गरिने छैन भन्ने जस्ता परंपरागत संस्कारलाई मात्र नयाँ वन्ने संविधानमा अटाउने त्यसभन्दा माथि उठेर सारभुत समानताको स्पष्ट उल्लेख नगर्ने ऐतहासिक भुल अव गरिनु हुँदैन । समानताको विधिशास्त्रीय मान्यताले पनि औपचारिक समानता मात्र पर्याप्त नहुने हुँदा पछाडिपरेका वर्गको उत्थानका लागि तथ्यगत समानतालाई उल्लेख गर्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । तसर्थ समानताका यी३ आधारभुत तथ्यहरुलाई इंगित गरी संविधानले दलितसमुदायलगायत अन्य विपन्न वर्गका लागि विशेष व्यवस्था र व्यवहारको अधिकार (Special Treatment) को व्यवस्था गर्नु पर्दछ । शिक्षा राज्यका साधन श्रोतको बाँडफुडमा रोजगार तथा राजनीतिक अंगमा सामानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वमा विशेष व्यवस्था गर्ने गरी संवैधानिक प्रत्याभुत भएन भने दलितसमुदायले अन्य कुनैपनि अधिकारको पूर्णरुपले प्रयोग र उपभोग गर्न सक्ने अवस्थाको श्रृजना हुन सक्दैन । सामाजिक आर्थिक अधिकर विना मात्र राजनीतिक अधिकारको उद्घेाषको कुनै अर्थ हुँदैन४ । एउटा सर्वसत्य कुरा के हो भने राजनीतिक र सामाजिक आर्थिक अधिकारहरु एक अर्काका परिप्ाूरक हुन ।

दलित अधिकारको संरक्षणको प्रमुख आधार उनीहरुको राजनीतिक अंग लगायतका अन्य विभिन्न नीति निर्माणका तह अनि कार्यान्वयनका प्रकि्रयामा समेत सामानुपातिक सहभागिता र परिणामात्मक प्रतिनिधित्वको कुरालाई प्रत्याभुत गर्नुपर्ने हो । राज्य सबैको साझा हो र राज्य वनाउने कुरामा सबैको प्रत्यक्ष तथा परोक्ष प्रतिनिधित्वलाई सम्मान गर्न सक्ने किसिमले संवैधानिक प्रत्याभुती दिनसक्नु पर्दछ । अन्यथा राज्यप्रति सिमािकंत जनताको आस्था विस्वास र अफ्नोपनको भावना समेत स्खलित हुन सक्दछ । समावेशीकरणको सवाललाई प्रमुख मुद्दा मान्दै राज्यका प्रत्येक अंगप्रत्यंगमा उनीहरुकॊ सामानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको कुरालाई प्रत्याभुत गर्न आरक्षण लगायत निर्वाचन पद्धतिसमेतमा हेरफेर ल्याउने किसिमले व्यवस्था गर्न सक्नु पर्दछ ।

पहिचानको अधिकारले मुलतः आफ्नो भाषाभाषि एवं मौलिकताको कुरा गरेकोले उक्त कुराको संरक्षणको लागि भाषभाषिको अधिकार तथा आआफनो संस्कृतिको संरक्षण अधिकारलाई उल्लेख गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । तर संस्कृतिको अधिकारको कुरा गर्दा जातिय भेदभाव तथा अन्य कुनैपनि अवैज्ञानिक र अनैतिकतालाई जोड दिने खालको संस्कारलाई कुनैपनि आधारमा संरक्षण गर्ने खालको अवस्थाको सिर्जना गरिनु हुँदैन । त्यस्तै अन्त्यमा स्वअस्तित्वको अधिकारले पनि अल्यपसुख्यकको अधिकारको संरक्षणमा मुख्य भूमिका निर्वाह गर्ने हुँदा उक्त कुरामा पनि जोड दिने गरी व्यवस्था हुनु पर्दछ ।

दलितसमुदायको सर्वाङ्गिण विकासका लागि नयां संविधानले समेट्नुपर्ने अधिकार तथा कर्तव्यहरु

नया संविधानमा के कस्ता अधिकारको उल्लेख गर्दा दलितसमुदायको वास्तविक उत्थान हुन सक्दछ भन्ने विषयको छिनोफानो दलित समुदाय नागरिक समाज तथा मानव अधिकारकर्मी वीचको व्यापक छलफलवाट निरोपित गरिनुपर्ने हुँदा यहाँ छलफलको सहज वातावरण सिर्जनाका लागि केहि आधारहरुमात्र तय गर्ने जमर्को गरिएको छ ।

यसरी आधारहरु तय गर्ने क्रममा कार्यपत्रले नयाँ संविधानमा मौलिक अधिकार तथा संवैधानिक अधिकारका रुपमा दलित समुदायको उत्थानका लागि के कस्ता अधिकारको उल्लेख हुनु पर्दछ भन्ने विषयमा संक्षेपमा उल्लेख गरिएको छ ।

१ जातिय भेदभाव विरुद्धको अधिकारः छुवाछुतलाई जघन्य अपराधको घोषणा गरी जातका आधारमा गरिने व्यवहारलाई कठोर दण्डनीय अपराधको रुपमा उल्लेख गर्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ । छुवाछुत तथा छुवाछुतजन्य अपराध गर्नेलाई जन्मकैदका साथसाथै पीडितलाई उचित क्षतिपूर्तीको अधिकारसमेतलाई प्रत्याभुत गर्ने गरी विशेष कानुन वनाउने कुराको उल्लेख हुनुपर्ने देखिन्छ । राज्यक कुनैपनि अंग र व्यक्ति एवं समुहवाट हुनसक्ने कुनैपनि किसिमको जातका आधारमा गरिने भेदभावलाई अन्त्य गरिने किसिमको संवैधानिक उद्घोष हुनु पर्दछ । त्यस्तै सामाजिक स्थान जीवनशैलीका आधारमा गरिने भेदभावलाई निर्मुल गर्ने गरी विशेष कानुन निर्माण गर्नुपर्ने कुराको उल्लेख पनि हुनुपर्ने देखिन्छ ।

२ सार्वजनिक तथा निजि क्षेत्रमा आरक्षणलगायत सकारात्मक संरक्षणको अधिकारः मात्र अविभेदको अधिकारले भेदभाव निर्मुलमा सहयोग पुर् याउन नसक्ने कुरा सर्वसत्य तथ्य हो । तसर्थ तथ्यगत समानता कायम गर्नका लागि शिक्षा रोजगार लगायतका क्षेत्रमा आरक्षणलगायत अन्य साकारात्मक विभेदकाृे नीतिसम्बन्धी कानुन वन्नुपर्ने कुराको उल्लेख हुनु अपरिहार्य हुन्छ । केवल सार्वजनिक क्षेत्रमा मात्र होइन निजि क्षेत्रमा समेत शिक्षा रोजगार लगायत अन्य काममा विशेष आरक्षणको व्यवस्था हुनुपर्ने कुराको उल्लेख हुनु पर्दछ । त्यस्तै राज्यका श्रातेसाधनको वाँडफाँडमा समेत साकारात्मक विभेदको नीति अवलम्वन गर्ने गरी उल्लेख हुनुपर्ने देखिन्छ ।

३ राज्य संचालनका विभिन्न अंगमा सामानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको लागि विशेष संरक्षणको अधिकारः मात्र शिक्षा रोजगारमा आरक्षणको व्यवस्थाले दलितको सर्वाङ्गिण उन्नति सम्भव छैन । राजनीतिक अंगमा पनि यस समुदायको प्रतिनिधित्व अपरिहार्य छ । तसर्थ आफ्नो व्यक्तित्व विकास र आफ्नो समुदायका आवाजको प्रतिनिधित्वका लागि संवैधानिकरुपमा नै यस समुदायको प्रतिनिधित्व राज्य संचालनका विभिन्न अंगमा हुने गरी व्यवस्था हुनु अनिवार्य हुन्छ ।

४ मानवीय मर्यादाको अधिकारः प्रत्येकको मानवीय मर्यादाको सम्मान तथा आदर गर्ने गरी मानवीय मर्यादको अधिकारको प्रष्ट उल्लेख नयाँ वन्ने संविधानमा हुनु पर्दछ । मात्र भौतिक अस्तित्वले मानवीय मुल्य मर्यादाको सम्मान हुन सक्दैन । सवैको समान मानवीय मूल्य मर्यादाको सम्मान गर्नु सबैको कर्तव्य भएको कुराको उल्लेख हुनै पर्दछ । त्यस्तै यस अधिकारले मर्यादापूर्ण तवरले वाँच्नका लागि चाहिने विभिन्न आवश्यक पूर्वाधार जस्तोः स्वास्थ सुविधा शिक्षा समानता काम आदि समेत समेट्ने हुँदा यसको व्यवस्था संविधानमा हुनु अति अनिवार्य हुन्छ ।

५ नागरिकताको अधिकारः नगारिकताको प्राप्ति प्रत्येकको मौलिक अधिकार मध्यको पनि मौलिक अधिकार हो । नागरिकताको प्राप्ति विना वास्तवमा अन्य कुनैपनि अधिकारको उपभोग कसैले पनि गर्न सक्ने अवस्थाको सिर्जना हुन नसक्ने हँुदा संविधानले लिङ्गका आधारमा भेदभाव गर्ने जस्ता विभेदजन्य व्यवस्था अन्त्य गरी आमा वावु कुनै एकको नामको आधारमा नागरिकता प्राप्तिको अधिकारलाई सुनिश्चित गरिनु पर्दछ ।

६) माध्यमिक तहसम्म निशुल्क शिक्षाको अधिकारः माध्यमिक तहसम्म निःशुल्क शिक्षा पाउने अधिकारलाई पनि सुनिश्चित गरिनु र्पछ । त्यस्तै प्रोढ शिक्षा लगायत प्राथमिक तहसम्म आफ्नो भाषामा शिक्षा प्राप्त गर्ने अधिकारलाई उल्लेख प्रष्टसँग उल्लेख हुनु पर्दछ । त्यस्तै यस अधिकार भित्र अनिवार्य शिक्षाको अधिकार व्यवसायिक शिक्षाको अधिकार तथा उच्च शिक्षाको अधिकार समेत पर्ने हुँदा उक्त कुराको स्पष्ट उल्लेख हुनु अति अनिवार्य हुन्छ ।

७ सामाजिक सुरक्षाको अधिकारः सामाजिक एवं आर्थिक अधिकारलाई संवैधनिक अधिकाररुपमा भन्दा कानुनी अधिकारका रुपमा राखिने खालको मानव अधिकारको परंपरावादी दृष्टिकोणलाई त्याग्दै विश्वका केहि मुलुकले सामाजिक आर्थिक अधिकारलाई समेत संवैधानिक अधिकारकोरुपमा उल्लेख गरेका उदाहरण दक्षिण अफि्रका लगायतका संविधानवाट पनि पाउन सक्दछौं ।५ यी अधिकारलाई संवैधानिक अधिकारको रुपमा मान्यता नदिने हो भने कार्यान्वयन नभएको अवस्थामा न्यायिक उपचारको हकमा प्रस्न चिन्ह उठ्न सक्तछ । न्यायलयले शक्ति पृथकिकरणको आधारमा आपुू पिाछने प्रयाश गर्न सक्दछ । सामाजिक आर्थिक अधिकारको अन्योन्याश्रित सम्बन्ध नागरिक तथा राजनीतिक अधिकारसँग हुने हुँदा सामाजिक एवं आर्थिक अधिकारलाई कमजोर र गैाण महत्वको रुपमा लिई संविधानमा ठाउँ नदिनु हाम्रो जस्तो गरीवि भोकमारी र धनी र गरिववीचको ठूलो दुरी भएको मुलुकमा कुनैपनि हालतमा जायज र न्यायिक नहुने हुँदा यी अधिकारहरुको उचित व्यवस्था संवैधानिक अधिकारको रुपमा हुनु अनिवार्य हुन्छ ।

क. काम काममा (Right to Work and Rights at Work) यस अधिकार अन्तर्गत मुलतः कुनैपनि किसिमको भेदभाव विना रोजगारमा पहुँचको अधिकार रोजागारका लागि व्यवसायिक तालिमको अधिकार तथा समान कामका लागि समान ज्याला लगायत अन्य श्रमिकले पाउने अधिकार पर्दछन् ।

ख. बसोवासको अधिकार (Equal housing)सुरक्षित एवं वातावरणीय हिसावले सफा आफूले चाहेको ठाउँमा बस्न पाउने अधिकारको प्रत्याभुत राज्यले गर्नु पर्दछ । त्यस्तै आवासको अधिकारले मात्र घामपानीवाट जोगाउने घरको मात्र कुरा गरेको होइन । यसले घरका साथसाथै पर्याप्त सुरक्षा गोपनियता तथा मानवीय मर्यादाको उचित सम्मानको कुरा पनि गरेको हुन्छ भनी उल्लेख भएको पाइन्छ ।७

ग्. स्वास्थको अधिकारः शारीरिक तथा मानसिक स्वास्थको अधिकारलाई उल्लेख गर्नका साथै स्वास्थ सुविधामा पहुँचको अधिकार वारेमा पनि प्रष्ट वोल्नुपर्ने देखिन्छ ।

घ. भोक विरुद्धको अधिकारः कामको अधिकारसंग जोडिएको यस अधिकारले भौतिक अस्तित्वको कुरा गर्दछ । भौतिक अस्तित्व विना अन्य जुनसुकै मानवीय मर्यादासंग सम्वन्धित अधिकारले कुनै अर्थ नराख्ने हुँदा यसको ठूलो महत्व छ ।

ङ. स्वच्छ पिउने पानीको अधिकारः पानी जीवनको आधार हो । स्वास्थ पिउने पानी पिउने अधिकार प्रत्येकको प्राकृतिक अधिकार हो र यसको संरक्षण गर्नु राज्यको प्रमुख कर्तव्य हो ।

८ निःशुल्क कानुनी सेवा पाउने अधिकारः आवश्यक श्रॊत साधनको अभाव भएका प्रत्येक व्यक्तिलाई निःशुल्क कानुनी सहायताको अधिकार हुनु अनिवार्य हुन्छ । निःशुल्क कानुनी सहायताको अधिकारलाई महत्वप्ाूर्ण तरीकाले उल्लेख गरिनु पर्दछ । कानुनद्धारा कानुनी सहायताको अधिकारलाई प्रत्याभुत गर्नुपर्ने कुराको उल्लेख गर्दै वन्ने प्रत्येक कानुनी सहायतासम्बन्धी समितिलगायतका अन्य विभिन्न कानुनी साहायतासम्बन्धी संयन्त्रहरु समावेशी हुनु पर्दछ ।

९ बँधा तथा अन्य शोषण विरुद्धको अधिकारः दास कुप्रथा कै अवशेषको रुपमा रहेको कमैया हलिया खलि लगायतका बाँधा मजदुरको समस्या तथा अन्य कुनैपनि आधारुमा गरिने मानव बेचबिखन र बालश्रम जस्ता निकृष्ट अपराधलाई निषेध गर्दै पीडकलाई कठोर दण्ड तथा पीडितलाई उचित क्षतिपूर्तीको अधिकारलाई सुनिश्चित गर्ने गरी विशेष कानुन वन्ने कुराको उल्लेख हुनु पर्दछ ।

१० विहावारी तथा परिवारको अधिकारः विवाह नितान्त व्यक्तिगत र व्यैक्तिक चाहानासँग सम्वन्धित कुरा भएको हुँदा कसैलाई पनि कुनैपनि आधारमा विवाहको लागि जोडी रोज्ने अधिकारमा आँच्ा पुर् याउनु नहुने कुराको उल्लेख अव वन्ने संविधानमा हुनु अनिवार्य देखिन्छ ।

११ आर्थिक स्वतन्त्रताको अधिकारः विशेष गरी आफ्नो पेशा रोजागर र निजि आर्थिक गतिभिधिमा स्वतन्त्र पहुँच तथा स्वतन्त्र अभ्यासको अधिकार उपभोग गर्न पाउने स्वतन्त्रतालाई प्रत्याभुत गर्ने गरी आवश्यक व्यवस्था हुनु अवश्यक देखिन्छ । भन्नु आवश्यक छैन कि दलित समुदायले आर्थिक कृयाकलापमा समेत विभिन्न खालको भेदभावको शिकार भैरहेका छन् । आर्थिक कृयाकलापमा वर्णाश्रम व्यवस्थाको अवशेष यत्रतत्र देखिन्छन् । तसर्थ अर्थिक कायमकि्रयामा गरिने भेदभावलाई अन्त्य गरी आर्थिक अधिकार संरक्षणका लागि यस स्वतन्त्रताको कुरा उल्लेख हुनु अपरिहार्य देखिन्छ ।

१२ जग्गा तथा अन्य प्राकृतिक श्रोतसाधनमा पहँुचको अधिकारः हाम्रेा जस्तो कृषि प्रधान देशमा भोक विरुद्धको अधिकार मुलतः जग्गा र उव्जनी योग्य जमिनसँग सम्वन्धित अधिकार भएको हुँदा जग्गाविहिनलाई जग्गा प्राप्तिको अधिकार हुनैपर्ने देखिन्छ । त्यस्तै अन्य प्राकृतिक श्रोत साधन जस्तो जल तथा जंगलमा पनि जातजाति तथा अन्य कुनैपनि आधारमा भेदभाव विना समन्यायिक पहुँचको अधिकार हुनु पर्दछ ।

१३ दलित समुदायसँग सम्वन्धित संवैधानिक तथा कानुनी हक अधिकारको संरक्षण तथा सम्वद्र्धनका लागि एक अर्धन्यायिक स्वत्ान्त्र र सक्षम संयन्त्रका लागि पनि संविधानमा नै प्रष्ट व्यवस्था हुनुपर्ने देखिन्छ । उक्त संयन्त्रको नियूक्ति प्रकि्रया तथा काम कर्तव्य र अधिकारको संक्षेपमा उल्लेख गर्दै यसको नियमनका लागि आवश्यक कानुन वन्ने कुराको समेत उल्लेख हुनु पर्दछ ।

अन्तमा मानव अधिकारको प्रत्याभुतीा कुनै राजनीतिक दल तथा राजनीतिक नेतृत्ववाट उपलव्ध गराइने नभई जनआन्दोलनको परिणाम भएको हुँदा माथि उल्लेखित सामाजिक आर्थिक अधिकारलाई मौलिक तथा संवैधानिक अधिकारको रुपमा अव वन्ने संविधानले समेट्नु सक्नु पर्दछ । अन्यथा जन आन्दोलनको मर्म माथि अन्याय गरेकॊ ठहरिने छ । सामाजिक एवं आर्थिक अधिकारहरु कुनै नयाँ अधिकार होइनन् । राष्ट्रिय तथा अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय संघसंस्थाहरुले दशकौंदेखि यी अधिकारको बारेमा कुरा र कार्य गर्दै आएका छन् ।

त्यस्तै यस्ता अधिकारको व्यवस्था मात्र दलित समुदायलाई हो भन्ने बुझाई राखी यसवाट पिाछने धृष्टता राख्नुको पनि कुनै औचित्य छैन । कुनैपनि मानव अधिकार कुनै व्यक्ति एवं समुदायलाई मात्र हुँदैनन । यी त विश्वव्यापी र मानविय प्रकृतिका हुन्छन् । हो यस्ता अधिकारको प्रत्याभुतीले पछाडि परेका समुदायको हकहितलाई माथि अवश्य पनि उठाउँछ । यसका साथै राज्य प्रणालीमा देखिएको संरचनागत कमिकमिजोरीलाई हटाउन पनि सहयोग पुर् याउन सक्दछ । राज्य प्रणालीमा देखिएका संरचनागत कमिकमजोरीलाई निमिट्टयान्न पार्नु साकारात्मक शान्ति र विकासको लगि मार्ग प्रशस्त गर्नु हो ।

अभ्यासले देखाएको छ की सामाजिक आर्थिक अधिकारलाई राज्यको सीमित श्रोत साधनको कुरा गर्दै राज्यका नीति निर्देशक सिद्धान्तमा राख्ने गरेको । यस्ा किसिमको अभ्यासले यस्ता आधारभुत अधिकारको संरक्षणमा उत्तरदायी हुने संस्कारको विकास कुनैपनि राज्य संयन्त्रमा भएको पाइदैन । किनभने यस्ता अधिकारका संरक्षण राज्यका श्रोत साधनका आधारमा हुने भनी यस्ता अधिकारलाई Non- Justifiable अधिकारकोरुपमा राखिएको हुन्छ । तसर्थ राज्यको सीमित श्रोत साधनलाई मात्र आधार वनाई मानिसको भौतिक तथा मानवीय मर्यादासंगसम्वन्धित यस्ता अधिकारको अवमुल्यन गर्ने जमर्को कसैले गर्ने ऐतिहासिक भुल अव कसैले गर्ट भने त्यो क्षम्य हुने छैन ।

१ दलित समुदाय राज्यको कुनैपनि अंगमा पहुच तथा श्रोत साधनको लाभान्वित समुदाय वन्नवाट पूर्णरुपले विाचत हुनगई आवाजविहिन अवस्थामा रहन बाध्य पारिएकाले यस समुदायलाई पनि अल्पसँखयकको रुपमा लिइएको छ । अल्पसँख्यकलाई केवल गणितिय हिसावले मात्र परिभाषा गर्नु उपयुक्त हुन सक्दैन ।

२ संयुक्त राष्ट्र संघको विश्वव्यापि घोषणापत्र १९४८ जातिय भेदभाव विरुद्धको महासन्धि १९६५ सामाजिक आर्थिक तथा साँस्कृतिक अधिकारसम्बन्धी अनुवन्ध १९६६ तथा राजनीतिक एवं नागरिक अधिकारसम्बन्धी अनुवन्ध १९६६

३ Equality accepts two principles: to give equal opportunity to every citizens to develop his/her own personality in the way he/she seeks to do and, to give adventitious aids to the underprivileged to face boldly the competition of life (J. Krishna Subba Rou’ Fundamental rights under the constitution of India, 2001, at 23.

४ The Fulfillment of economic and social rights is a necessary precondition for the satisfaction of political or so called first generation of human rights (Id. 13).

५ The Bill of rights under Constitution of South Africa has incorporated a comprehensive set of social and economic rights(See: Sean Archer Social and Economic rights under South African at 1).

६ पर्याप्त आवासको अधिकारको प्रत्याभुती विना रोजागरको अधिकार समेतले मुर्तरुप लिन सक्ने हुँदैन । तसर्थ गरीव निमुखाको आवासको अधिकारलाई प्रत्याभुत गर्नु राज्यको दायित्व हो । (See: Committee on the Social , Economic and Cultural Rights, 45).

७ Commission on human settlements and the global strategy for shelter to the year 2000 speaks that adequate shelter means, adequate privacy, security, adequate lighting, ventilation and basic facilities.

The Ramechhap District court punishes for atrocities against Dalits.

The Ramechhap District court has punished so called upper- caste. The case was about verbal abuse. Some so called upper-caste people (like: Gunja Bahadur Chhetri, punya Bdr. basnet, Bhairab Karki etc.) discriminated to dalit people in Mahakali temple in Ramechhap District. In 2060 BS, when Dalit people entered the temple then so called upper caste people had punished the Dalits. Dalits had to paid a fine of Rs. 1650 for purifying the temple.

Then DNF filed a case against that. The case hearing date was on 2063.2.22. BS. Court decision was in favor of Dalits. The so-called upper-caste people are fined of Rs. 500/- who had committed the untouchability crime and they have to pay back Rs. 1500/- for compensation to punishing dalits who were fined by the so-called upper caste more than two years ago.

Gomati Sunar

DNF

7 Jun 2006

मन्दिर प्रवेशमा रोक लगाउनेलाई अदालतबाट जरीवाना

रामेछाप जिल्लाका दलित समुदायहरु राजन बिश्वकर्मा, गोपे बिश्वकर्मा, नर बहादुर विश्वकर्मा समेतले वेताली गा.वि.स. स्थित महाकाली देबी मन्दिरमा प्रवेश गर्दा त्यहांका कथित उपल्लो जातीका ब्यक्तिहरु गुाज बहादुर क्षेत्री कार्की, पुन्य बहादुर बस्नेत, रामकृष्ण कार्कर्ी, मोहन बस्नेत केदार काकीे गा.बि.स. को अध्यक्ष भैरव कार्की महाकाली देबी मन्दिरको पुजारी मान बहादुर बुढाथोकी समेतले दलितहरु मन्दिर भित्र पसेको कारण देखाई निजहरुले पुजाआजा गरेको करीव १०/११ दिन पछि गाउंमा बैठक बोलाई यी तल्ला जातका कामीहरु मन्दिर भित्र पसी मन्दिरलाई अपबित्र बनाए । तल्लो जातको मान्छे तिमिहरुको पानी समेत चल्दैन हामीलाई तल्ला जातका मान्छेको अनुहार देख्दा पनि साईत विगि्रन्छ हाम्रो छेउमा वस्दा छुईन्छ डुम्रा कामीहरु चोर तिमिहरु तल्ला जातका मानिसहरु भएर पनि मन्दिर भित्र पस्ने साहस कसरी गर्यौ भनि नानाथरी जातिय अपहेलनाका अपशव्द प्रयोग गरी सामुहिक बैठकमा नै दलित समुदायको बेइज्जत गर्ने गरी तल्ला जातीहरु मन्दिर भित्र पसेपछि अनर्थ हुन्छ देवता रिसाउछन । मन्दिरलाई रुद्री गरेर चोख्याउनु पर्छ । रुद्री खर्च यी कामीहरुबाट भराई पुजाआजा गरी पाठो पुजा गर्नु पर्छ भनि मन्दिर भित्र पसेको आरोपमा रु ३७०।-जरीवाना तिराउनुको साथै ३ तोलाको चांदीको त्रिसुल करीव ४८०।-रुपैयाको र १ लाल सुनको टिका रु।१०५ पर्ने बनाई मन्दिरमा चढाई ६५०।- मुल्य पर्ने पाठो समेत जरीवाना वापत तिराई पाठोको बली चढाई मन्दिर चोख्याउने काम गरेका रहेका रहेछन । निज निवेदकहरु कानूनी सहयोगको लागि दलित गै.स.स. महासंघ (DNF) मा आउनु भएपछि DNF कानूनी सहायता तथा परामर्श बिभागका अधिवक्ता गोमती सुनारले विपक्षीहरुका बिरुद्ध रामेछाप जिल्ला अदालतमा मिति २०६०।१२।१२ मा गाली बेइज्जती मुद्धा दर्ता गरेको थियों ।

देशको बदलिदो परिस्थितिका कारणले म्याद तामेल हुन ढिलाई भै यसको सुनुवाई मिति २०६३।२।२२ गते मात्र हुन सक्यो । सुनुवाइमा DNF का अधिवक्ता श्याम कुमार विश्वकर्माले बहस पैरवी गर्नु भएको थियो । रामेछाप जिल्ला अदालतले मन्दिर प्रवेश गर्दा मन्दिर चोख्याउन भनि जरीवाना तिराउने पिडकहरुबाट पिडितलाई रु. १५००।- क्षतिपूर्ति दिलाई निज पिडकहरुलाई रु ५००।- जरीवाना समेत गरेको छ ।

यसबाट पनि न्यायलाय दलितहरु प्रति केहि सकारात्मक भएको अनुभूति गर्न सकिन्छ ।

अधिवक्ता गोमती सुनार

डि.एन.एफ.

In this Issue:
- Dalit girl raped
- Dalit’s eye damaged mysteriously
- Community pays Rs 2500 for Dalit thrashing
- Discrimination compels a teacher to quit permanent job
- Dalit home demolished
- Misused funds returned
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Dalit girl raped

At around midnight on Friday 2 June 2006, a 12-year-old girl was raped by a neighbor after being enticed with a five rupee note.

Laxmi Caudhary, 45, a resident of Ward 6 of Medhasa village, Sunsari district, threatened to kill Sarita Sardar (name changed to protect victim’s identity) and raped her when there was nobody at her home.

She was given the money and touched her private parts when she went to Chaudhary’s house to study math with his daughter. Chaudhary told Sardar that he would come to her home in the evening.

“At 11 pm he came to my home and raped me,” the innocent Sardar said.

The incident became public when neighbors noticed her constant bleeding. A few hours later, the villagers gathered and local women caught the culprit, a father of two, and handed him over to the police. He was trying to flee from the scene.

According to Januka Pokhrel, a member of the local Women Cooperation Network, the victim’s elder brother is a mute, her mother is mentally ill, and her father was not at home.

Police inspector Bimal Wasti said the culprit is being detained at Sunsari District Police Office pending further action against him. Locals are demanding stern punishment for the perpetrator.

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Dalit’s eye damaged mysteriously

The eye of a Dalit youth was mysteriously damaged while he was in the police custody—police claim to have no idea about the incident.

Kamal Baral (Sunar), 23, was taken to District Police Office (DPO) Dhangadhi on 21 May 2006 by his family for security reasons.

Being a drug addict, Kamal was taken to the police office for his own safety because he was having a violent outburst. Kamal claimed that he had been fighting with other detainees at around 9 pm. Police said he was shifted to another room after the altercation.

According to his father Man Bahadur Baral, Kamal told him that he was beaten up by the police before going unconscious. “He had no idea how he lost his eyesight,” Man Bahadur told human rights activists and the Superintendent of Police of the DPO.

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Community pays Rs 2500 for Dalit thrashing

While the Nepali people were fighting for inclusive democracy (loktantra) in the streets, the Dalits of Bhangaha Tol in Babaniya village were being beaten by so-called upper caste people for refusing to dump carcasses.

On 13 April 2006, five people, including Bechan Yadav, beat nine Chamar people for failing to dump the carcass of a buffalo. The local Yadav community publicly barred a number of Dalits, including Shivaji Mahara, from entering public places such as wells, shops, pharmacies, and rice and wheat mills.

It took some 20 days for this information to come to the attention of the media. The news was published in a few local newspapers, first being published from Janakpur on 2 May 2006. The news only reached the papers because the Maoist-affiliated Dalit Liberation Front expressed concern over the issue.

The vice-president in charge of the eastern command for the Bauram Gazmer Front issued a press statement demanding the formation of an independent committee to investigate the incident and recommend strong actions against the offenders. Dalits were compelled to follow the restrictions issued by the Yadav community and were kept to a limited periphery for almost three weeks.

With the news coverage in the media, the Human Rights Monitoring Committee of Dhanusha demanded that the government take action against the guilty parties. In a statement convener Thir Bahadur Karki demanded justice for the victims and appropriate compensation as well.

The victims went to Mahendra Nagar Base Camp to file a complaint, but no action was taken.

During a public hearing organized at Mahendra Nagar Campus on 4 May 2006, the participants decided that the Yadav community should pay Rs 2,500 to the victims. The decision was made in the presence of Ram Autar Paswan, a member of the National Dalit Commission, and representatives of other local Dalit organizations. During the hearing the Yadav community also agreed not to put pressure on Chamars to dump carcasses, discriminate on the basis caste, or ban Dalits from public places.

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Discrimination compels a teacher to quit permanent job

Ruk Bahadur Pariyar of Ganeshsthan in Bharatpur Municipality-11, Chitwan district, was driven to quit his permanent job because he could not tolerate extreme and continuous social disrespect.

Having entered the teaching profession some 27 years ago, he quit after one year of his appointment because society could not tolerate his presence in the National Primary School of Mayatar in Kaule VDC.

Later he joined a secondary school in Dibyanagar where he stayed less than a year because the then chairman of the management committee Gou Prasad Gurung would not agree to make a Dalit a permanent teacher.

Finally, he joined a school at Motipur Damauli in Bardiya district, where he became a permanent teacher after passing the Education Service Commission examinations and completing two years of service.

When the principal of the school resigned, Pariyar stepped in. With his appointment as school principal, criticism began that a Damai—or lower caste man—should not be made the principal of the school.

He was insulted by local people wherever he went. Members of the community surrounded the school in protest, demanded a financial report, threatened to take his life, and demanded that the District Education Office throw him out because he was born in a lower caste.

It was impossible for Pariyar to tolerate the abuse directed against him. Therefore he remained at home on leave without pay of six months. Later he left for India to seek a job.

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Dalit home demolished

A non-Dalit neighbor demolished the house of Hira Lal Sunar, a Dalit residing at the Sukumbasi Tol—an area occupied by landless people—situated at Aaptari of Bharatpur Municipality-1 in Chitwan district.

Jeet Bahadur Thing destroyed Sunar’s home following a conflict over the boundaries of their land.

Thing’s family members demolished the hut after throwing out all Sunar’s belongings.

Sunar and his family had been living there for three years.

Both parties later agreed to rebuild the house together and clarify Sunar’s land rights at the Police check post.

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Misused funds returned

In response to broad public pressure, the Bhagawati Secondary School of Inaruwa in Sunsari district has returned misused funds meant for Dalit scholarships.

The school has returned Rs 250 to each Dalit student entitled to the scholarship for the current academic year. Moreover, a fee collected under the heading “miscellaneous” was also returned. The amount ranges from Rs 40 to 45 for each student.

The scholarship was returned during a formal program at the school. Principal Purushottam Ghimire expressed a commitment not to delay the distribution of funds released for the students. He also said the school will not charge a fee on any title for Dalit students.

He clarified that the scholarship had not been distributed because he had not received any clear direction from the District Education Office.

The school misused a scholarship amounting to over Rs. 9,000 for 15 students in grade seven and 12 in grade eight. The scholarship was returned in the presence of journalists and representatives from many organizations.

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© Jagaran Media Center (JMC), Anamnagar, P. O. Box: 19619 Kathmandu Nepal
E-mail: info@jagaranmedia.org.np Tel: + 977-1-4226655, Fax: + 977-1-4256780, www.jagaranmedia.org.np

Caste discrimination in Nepal: A core problem must end in the new era

Dr. D. P. Rasali
Founder
Nepaldalitinfo International Network
dpr@nepaldalitinfo.20m.com

[A part of this article is also published in Canada Forum for Nepal’s newsletter.]

Sweeping changes that are taking place day by day in the ongoing showdown phase of Lokatantrik Andolan (peoples’ movement) in Nepal are startling to the whole world. What was long been promoted by the state media as an incarnation of Bishnu finally came down falling apart overnight, being reduced to hardly a thing of any significance. When the reinstated Parliament proclaimed last week to erase all signs of royalty from the public life of Nepal, there was not even a whisper of anyone to say a word in opposition. I reckon, BBC News Service will henceforth not even dare rattling the incarnation theory anymore. The ticking time shall tell the ultimate fate of Nepal’s monarchy, but the future of country’s populace is pretty much mapped up for a democratic, secular and egalitarian society.

Watching at the recent scenes of hundreds of thousands of people thronging at streets of Nepal for a nation-wide mass movement against the autocratic King’s regime, the world clearly knew the magnum strength at which the Nepalese people are hell bent for achieving their full sovereign democratic rights. Though the sequence of events in recent weeks that have been broadcast in the media all over the world was uniquely spectacular show, it was not the first time that the people of this tiny nation on the southern lap of Himalayas have demonstrated their strong desire for self determination. It is for more than half a century that the people have been continually fighting for their democratic rights. Somehow, the elements of conspiracy intercepting the democratic movements had always managed to abort the path of the peoples’ mass action for a meaningful democracy, culminating into unreasonably compromising terms. The movements of 1950, 1980 and 1990 all had ended in a series of betrayals to the masses. Contrary to the past instances, the peoples’ movement this time round is moving forward with a wave of real-time changes matching with the aspirations of the people.

Nepal, a South Asian state strangely running with medieval-style state machinery even in the 21st century, has been long overdue for a total transformation for modernization. Many changes taking place swiftly in the past few weeks through some bold actions of the reinstated Parliament with the backing from rebellious revolutionary Maoists are clearly the signs of the country moving on the right track for creating a new era for the people to be able to live without any fear, and progress with time.

Nevertheless, one of the root causes of the whole problem is still under a shadow due to lack of sufficient thrust it deserves. Caste-based discrimination is perhaps the most important core problem that has been the root cause of the Nepalese society’s manifold ills. Caste-based discrimination was the main basis for retention of traditional feudalistic regimes. Shah dynasty thrived throughout the history of 237 years mainly due to its societal position as the mythical warrior Kshatriya caste among four Hindu Varnas. Autocratic Ranas ruled for 104 years until 1950 by way of superseding the powers of Shah dynasty and establishing themselves as ruling class rivals with Shah caste. The systematic discrimination rampant between any other two Hindu castes and within any caste and/or any caste groups was the basis for both these dynasties to “divide and rule” the largely ignorant masses. The history of what came to be known as Nepal has been nothing more than the playing field for these two dynasties, by turn, suppressing the masses as slaves.

Of course, the original caste system is traditionally handed down from the Brahministic Hindu Varna system, in which the people were divided into four Varnas, namely Brahmins, Kshtriya, Baishya and Sudras based on their divisions of work. Even if this system was in place for a good reason of the past, later on, the whole system got much distorted and manipulated by the feudalistic ruling class to the advantage of the ruling class over the masses. But, the system of classifying the people based on their descent by birth is fundamentally wrong, and has no relevance at least to the present-day world, where every individual has to earn her/his societal position and maintain it by own good deeds. In that context, fundamentalist Hindu Nepalese society must abandon their traditional belief of so called “high” and “low” castes, and discard the associated social evils like the practice of untouchability, which is still rampant in the society. The state machinery through the appropriate Charter of Human Rights put in place must even out social inequalities resulting from such traditional caste-based discrimination and associated untouchability practices. This is, however, only a small part of the bigger issue of the manifold problems faced by the people, who are victimized for many centuries by the system of caste-discrimination in Nepal.

The larger part of the core problem is that through the reigns of two dynasties, Shah and Ranas, Nepal as a state had committed a grave crime against humanity, by the promulgation of a civil law called Muluki Ain in 1854 making statuary provisions of caste-based discrimination and untouchability practices. This law was active until 1960s, and even today, there is much ambiguity in the existing law of the land to go against the caste-based discrimination. In Muluki Ain 1854, all castes knowledgeable to the then rulers were scheduled as “high” to “low” in their hierarchical order. The penalty for any civilian criminal was inversely proportional to their hierarchical order in the caste structure. If a Brahmin man (a priestly caste considered highest by the law) raped a lower caste woman, he would be fined in cash or forgiven at the discretion of the judge, but if a so called “untouchable” man had consensual sex with a woman of so called “high” caste, he would be sentenced to a death penalty. These are only the two examples of legal provisions that were in the first Muluki Ain. The impact of cruel and unjustified structure of statutory provisions of this law had been devastating, pushing all people of oppressed castes to a status lower than animals in the society. As a direct result, today, the people of oppressed castes, who make up about 20% of the country’s whole population, are still alienated from the mainstream society. Ironically, this sizeable chunk of population is oppressed in their socio-economic and political status, but is one of the most productive hardworking masses of the people of Nepal. Farm tool making, ornament making, garment making, shoes making, carpentry, music entertainment and folk singing, public utility, construction and sanitation work are some of the domains of the traditional occupations of these oppressed caste people. Yet, they do not earn enough for their food, clothing and shelter due to direct exploitation in their capitals and earnings from their hardwork by so called high caste people in their day to day lives. This has been going on for centuries, and it is still a vivid reality in most rural areas of Nepal. It must end in the new era.

Clearly, the promulgation of Muluki Ain 1854 was a case of state crime of the past with direct implications existing even today, for which Nepal’s Parliament, responsible Government and Head of the State must bow their heads down in shame and apologize to the victimized oppressed masses of people. In order to make the current sweeping changes meaningful to the sizeable chunk of the population being oppressed, it is a must that a proclamation of an explicit apology is made by the state for the state’s past crime committed against them, along with provisions with adequate negotiated compensation for all the sufferings they have gone through in the black history of Nepal, and making them inclusive in the mainstream society.

What is that Dalits of modern Nepal want from their State?

Dr. D. P. Rasali

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Dalits of Nepal want a strong political will of their State to systematically eradicate the social evil that has made one-sixth of the country’s population suffer the exclusion from the mainstream society even in the 21st century.
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When the Nepaldalitinfo [1], an international information network for Nepali Dalits, was initiated a little more than two years ago, a few of Nepali Dalit intellectuals who were in initial contacts exchanged their views through emails on the whole gamut of Dalit issues. What came out strongly from them then was that the State of Nepal has been the key player in sustaining caste based discrimination and practice of untouchability in the Hindu dominated society in the country. From the time immemorial until towards the end of 20th century, the State had been busy guiding its policy based on Hindu mythological stories about maintaining high and low strata of different segments of the society in the name of nurturing Hindu culture and traditions. Until the time when the country re-established its parliamentary democracy through the popular movement followed by framing of democratic constitution that confirmed people’s sovereignty under a parliamentary democracy with the constitutional monarchial set up in 1990, there was no deliberate attempt by the State to address any concerns of injustices of caste discrimination and untouchability meted out by the State and the society to a significant segment of the society comprising more than 15% of the country’s total population. Up until today, the people who are now known as Dalits have been taken for granted to remain in the lowest stratum of the society for centuries, only to be socio-economically exploited, politically excluded and religiously humiliated. Despite their whole lives spent on hard work at arduously laborious and menial occupations sincerely serving the society, the living conditions of their lot has remained wretched throughout the history of modern Nepal, let alone forget the well deserved dignity of their labor.

A group of Dalit activists received an audience of the King of Nepal recently in a remote far western district of Nepal during the Royal visit supposedly to oversee the living conditions of the people under his direct rule. The activists appealed to the King to do something concrete under his direct rule to dismantle inhumane system of caste discrimination and untouchability in the Hindu society. The King in his response was reported as saying, “It is a social tradition; there exists a social law as well. So, it cannot go away at once. It will go away gradually” [1]. This was clearly an expression of the State’s apathy towards the concerns of Dalits, who deserve resolute policy and a vibrant mechanism to achieve and protect their rights to live with dignity in an egalitarian society at least from this 21st century onwards. On the other hand, the country’s 1990 constitution as the fundamental law of the land has guaranteed, in spirit, the fundamental human rights and dignity to Dalits. United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and subsequent international conventions, of which Nepal is a signatory party, reassure the position of Dalits of Nepal deserving their basic rights established and protected. The Supreme Court of the country under 1990’s constitution has reaffirmed, time and again, the State’s position to go against practice of untouchability branding it a punishable crime. Though not sufficient enough, there exist today some law that can protect, to certain extent, the fundamental rights of Dalit people in Nepal. Unfortunately, the people in the ranks and files of the state machinery who are responsible to implement the law do themselves practice this age-old social evil as their traditional practices [2] , and their commitment to implement the existing law against this practice has still been a thing of day dreamers. In addition, there still exists substantial ambiguity in the legal provisions made against the practice of untouchability and caste based discrimination due to lack of strong political will to make tough laws abolishing the age-old social evil to protect the vulnerable people from it. Fundamentally, the State has still the machinery in place, which much like under any feudal rule of the medieval era, endeavors to divide the society in many fragments and rule the divided.

Dalit movement

The movement of oppressed people in Nepal against caste discrimination and untouchability meted out to them by the State and Hindu dominated society was formally started in 1940s. It is not my intention here to describe the historical development of Dalit movement in Nepal, but to outline the contemporary situation, in brief, in order to project a perspective of looking forward based on the present prevailing conditions of Dalits in the country. The readers who are interested in knowing the historical development of Dalit movement in Nepal are advised to refer a recently released book, “The Nepali Dalit Social Movement” by Yam Bahadur Nepali [2]. Despite early start of the Dalit movement in Nepal, following the line of corresponding Indian movement led by Dalit Messiah Dr. Bhim Rao Ambedkar, it could not gain any momentum until the beginning of the last one decade. The reasons could be many; but the main ones, in my view, were as follows:

1) The State’s policy declaring itself as a Hindu Kingdom remained a hurdle on the way to creation of a modern secular society, in which all people of any race, caste, creed or color could have a respectable and dignified place;

2) There was a dearth of critical mass of conscious and educated Dalits who could lead a vibrant movement towards the right direction to force the social change against caste discrimination and untouchability;

3) There was total absence of any influential non-Dalit intellectuals or leaders, who could voice vehemently from the core of their conscience for Dalit rights even when Dalits themselves could not come forward with their rightful stance; and

4) There was absolutely no political will of any democratic political parties to understand the depth and breadth of oppression and exclusion of Dalits from the mainstream society.

Up until 1990, there had been a number of organized groups of Dalits active in their movement, but their effectiveness was dubious due to lack of resources they would need to spearhead the movement to a right direction for social change. With the exception of a few, most organizations were dependent upon the financial aid by the very apathetic Government, which considered the Dalit movement a non-starter as an agent of social change. Before 1990, the government had always ensured that there was someone from Dalit communities nominated to National Assembly under Panchayat system of governance to serve as a show-piece such that any question raised on non- representation of Dalits was proven void. Later in 1990s, most Dalit movement organizations got affiliated with one or other political parties, most of which did not originally have Dalit rights in their primary agenda (this is with the exception of one political party which has chosen not to play direct role in the mainstream politics of the country, but to remain rebellious aiming at bringing about a total change of its ideological kind). However, in the more recent time, this situation is apparently changing in favor of Dalits.

It was not until early 1990s that even the press could carry any in-depth news story of socio-economic exploitation, political exclusion and atrocities of untouchability meted out to Dalits in their everyday life throughout the nook and corner of the country. Thanks to interests of some international donors, non-governmental sector came in the fore-front of Dalit movement lately, thereby bringing tremendous achievements in Dalit movement. These achievements made largely through the active engagements of Dalit Non-Governmental organizations have been discernible in creating general awareness, bringing atrocities of caste discrimination and untouchability to the light through press or other prints, and denouncing them publicly, creating local organizations and activating them, creating solidarity among the victims of untouchability, supporting the helpless Dalits in the rural areas with income generating activities, and the like. As a result, Dalits are now recognized nationally as well as internationally as one of the most neglected, exploited, excluded and disadvantaged segments of country’s population. It is encouraging fact that in the more recent time, the caste discrimination and untouchability in Nepal have been recognized as the core part of human rights problems as well as one of the underlying causes of currently ongoing armed conflicts dogging the country, not only by the international human rights body like UN Human Rights Commission, to which Nepal has a commitment to concur with, but also by the powerful foreign governments such as European Commission and the United States, which have the ability to put significant pressure on Nepal’s government for a just social change in order to achieve what United States considers the “non-negotiable demands of human dignity” [3].

Demand for an explicit state apology

In order to move forward from the present status quo of Dalits towards the path of creating their rightful and just position in an egalitarian society, they must work out their efforts to liberate themselves. However, their State, if responsible enough to their cause, has a definite role to play, especially when they want the needed change from their prevailing conditions for their freedom by peaceful means, catching up with the the 21st century’s contemporary world they live in. If the State cannot cooperate with Dalits in their spirits and aspirations, the course of Dalits achieving their freedom from the socio-economic exploitation, political exclusion, and cultural and religious humiliation unjustifiably burdened upon them for centuries will be more arduous. It is a known fact that fighting to root-out a long standing evil of the society such as untouchability is not an easy task, but it is not impossible if the state has a political will to do so, and has a mechanism in place to follow the course of that will. Dalits of Nepal want a strong political will of their State to systematically eradicate the social evil that has made one-sixth of the country’s population suffer the exclusion from the mainstream society even in this 21st century. Where does this ‘political will’ actually begin?

Although Nepal, being a State signatory of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, has officially committed to eradication of all forms of discrimination based on race, caste, color, creed or gender, the State’s political will to root-out caste discrimination and untouchability in the country has not been anywhere in the sight to date. While no one has ever heard any specific statement made by the Head of the State against rampant social equalities based on caste discrimination in Nepal, the State’s political will for abolishing the social evil of caste discrimination and untouchability must begin from an explicit expression of an apology by the King of Nepal on behalf of the State as well himself as the Head of the State, making a vow to initiate the right thing of warding off prevailing injustices and inequalities meted out particularly to most disadvantaged Dalits. This apologetic vow shall prove to be a way out for establishing full Dalit rights in the country. It is important that the King of modern Nepal regrets for the historical past, and expresses an explicit apology for the State’s injustices meted out to Dalits of Nepal especially since 1854 when the State through promulgation of a Civil Penal Code (Muluki Ain) discriminated people by caste and legalized untouchability in the country. Because, the structure and functioning of Nepali society and societal culture are largely based on traditional Hindu values of Nepali kind even today, and the King of Nepal still commands the highest position as a protector of these values. If the protector of these values himself can declare the truth that some of the practices based on these values, particularly caste discrimination and untouchability, have been indeed proven to be acts against humanity, and therefore, must be abandoned from the society, all the followers of these values shall have no ground to continue these values as worth practicing from that point forward, and shall be forced to change their traditional mindset. On the other hand, if the King of Nepal continues to regard the caste discrimination and untouchability as the practices born out of traditional Hindu values that are subject to change with time requiring no intervention from the State, then, the Hindu people of so-called high castes at large shall continue to have their pride on practicing these traditional values that are indeed a horrific blemish on the Hindu society handed down from the past. This, however, contradicts with the fact that most of the Hindu religious leaders and scholars in India have disowned and discarded the discriminatory practices from Hindu values, rather branding them as means orchestrated by Hindu feudal lords to divide and rule for their self-interests in the past. Considering that there can be no practice uglier than the caste system, the one that continues to oppress a huge chunk of population [4], it is a genuine demand that Dalits of Nepal want a State’s apology in explicit terms for the long standing injustices and inhumane treatment meted out to them by the Kingdom of Nepal.

The apologetic vow of the Head of the State shall also pave the way for the State machinery (which must be, of course, run by the legitimate representatives of the sovereign people of Nepal) to make all the necessary legislations to compensate Dalit population for their sufferings from the injustices and inequalities meted out to them, through an elaborate “reservation” policy.

The author is the founder of nepaldalitinfo and can be reached at: dpr@nepaldalitinfo.20m.com.

The article was originally published in the Jan-March 2006 issue of “Dalit Solidarity” (Vol 4, Issue 1), Kathmandu, Nepal.

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Notes:

[1] Nepaldalitinfo (http://www.nepaldalitinfo.20m.com).

[2] Yam Bahadur Nepali (2005). The Nepali Dalit Social Movement. Published by Legal Rights Protection Society Nepal, Lalitpur.

[3] Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2005, released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, March 8, 2006.

[4] Editorial in The Kathmandu Post (Kathmandu, March 8, 2006).

बैतडी ११ गते आसाढ । हलिया मजदुरहरुको ज्यालाको हिसाव गरौं यीनिहरुको कामको मोल खै भन्ने मूल नाराका साथ RDN नेपालको जिल्ला शाखा बैतडीले यही असाढ १ गते देखि शुरु गरेको गाउँ जागरण अभियान ८ गते बैतडी जिल्लाको खोड्पे बजारमा आई समापन भएको छ ।

हलियाहरुको ज्यालाको हिसाव गरौं संविधान सभामा दलितहरुका एजेण्डाहरु संकलन, हलिया मुक्तिको वहस थालनी, जातीय विभेदको अन्त्यका लागि वहस थालनी, क्रान्तिकारी भूमिसुधार लागू हुनुपर्ने र भूमिमा जनताको अधिकारका विषयमा व्यापक जनचेतना जगाउने उक्त कार्यक्रमको ध्येय रहेको थियो । सोही अनुरुप बैतडी र डडेल्धुराबाट संयुक्त संचालन भएको अभियान बैतडी जिल्लाको खोड्पेमा र् याली सहित दुबै जिल्लाका दलित अभियानकर्ताहरु दियालो परिवार नेपालगंजका सांस्कृतिक टोली लगायत १५ जनाले गरेको पैदल यात्राको वृहत भेला गरी समापन भएको छ ।

बैतडी जिल्लामा एक नगरपालिका र ५ वटा गाविस र त्यसैगरी डडेल्धुरा जिल्लामा एक नगरपालिका २० वटा गाविसहरुमा भएको पैदल यात्रा पश्चात समापनमा परिणत भएको वृहत भेलाका प्रमुख अथिति तथा राष्ट्रिय हलिया अधिकार मंचका अध्यक्ष डम्बर िसंह टमटाले अबको जनताको जीतबाट स्थापना भएको लोकतान्त्रिक राज्यले हलिया प्रथाको अन्त्य गरी हलियाहरुको पुर्नस्थापनाको संगसँगै रोजगारी शिक्षा स्वास्थ्य आदिको ग्यारेण्टी गरी हलियाहरुको वास्तविक तथ्य संकलन र कार्यान्वयनका लागि राष्ट्रिय स्तरमा हलिया आयोग गठन गरिनुपर्नेमा जोड दिनु भएकॊ थियो ।

भेलामा नागरिक समाजका पृथ्वीराज अवस्थी राष्ट्रि भूमि अधिकार मंचका जगत बस्नेत RDN नेपालका महासचिव मोहन ओड केन्द्रीय सदस्य तथा बैतडी शाखाका अध्यक्ष पुरनिसंह दयाल माओवादी पार्टीका खोड्पे इन्चार्ज क. मायालु फेकोफनका मोहन शर्मा मुक्ति समाजका नरेश बि. क. पैदल यात्राका सदस्य सरस्वती नेपाली पीडित हलिया काली देवी पार्की BCDO का राम िसंह ऐर र दियालो परिवार नेपालगंजका पूर्ण सुनारले जनआन्दोलनको उपलब्धीका रुपमा स्थापीत लोकतान्त्रिक सरकारले घोषणामा मात्रै सिमित नराखिकन जनताका आवाजहरुलाई बुलन्द हुने खाले कार्यक्रमहरुको गाउँ स्तरसम्म पनि पुर् याउन जरुरी छ । घोषणाको कार्यान्वयन गर्नका लागि पीडितहरुको समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व गराई आयोगहरु गठन गर्नु नै शान्ति प्रकि्रयाको खम्बा झै सावित हुनेछ ।

भेला RDN नेपालको डडेल्धुरा शाखाका अध्यक्ष ज्ञानु गैरीको सभापतित्वमा सम्पन्न भएको थियो भने संचालन बैतडी शाखाका सचिव तथा दलित एक्टीभिष्ट कर्णराम दयालले गर्नु भएको थियो ।

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संचार तथा मानव अधिकार विभाग

RDN नेपाल

धनगढी ११ गते आषाढ । विगत २ वर्षदेखि राष्ट्रिय दलित नेटवर्क (RDN) नेपाल र सामुदायिक आत्म निर्भर केन्द्र द्वारा विशेष गरी डडेल्धुरा र बैतडी जिल्लामा संचालित भूमि अधिकार अभियान अन्तर्गत जनताको भूमि ऐन किन र कसरी भन्ने विषयमा जिल्ला स्तरीय छलफल कार्यक्रममा उपस्थित अथिति वक्ताहरुले जनताको भूमि ऐन जनमूखी हुनुपर्नेमा जोड दिएका छन् ।

कार्यक्रम जमिनमा स्वामित्व नभएका दलित भूमिहिन सुकुम्वासी मुक्त कमैयाहरुको अडान र सवालका बारेमा छलफल भएको थियो । जसको जोत उसको पोत क्रान्तिकारी तथा बैज्ञानिक भूमिसुधार लागू र भूमि ऐन २०२१ ले दलित सुकुम्वासी मोही हलिया भूमिहिन मुक्त कमैयाहरुको सवाललाई संम्वोधन गर्न नसकेको र स्पष्ट नीति नभएकोले अब बन्ने संविधान मार्फत तथा २०६४ मा आउने राष्ट्रिय योजना आयोगको दशौं योजनामा नयाँ भूमि ऐन ल्याउन र यसलाई प्रभाव पार्न जनताद्वारा जनताको भूमि ऐन तयार पार्न सरोकारवाला मार्फत राज्यलाई दबाब सृजना गर्न छलफल कार्यक्रमको आयोजना गरिएको हो ।

कार्यक्रममा प्रमुख अथिति तथा प्रमुख जिल्ला अधिकारी मणि कुमार ज्ञवालीले हामीले नीति बनाउने भन्दा पनि सरकारद्वारा निर्दिष्ट नीतिलाई कार्यान्वयन गर्ने निकाय भएकोले नेपालका भूमिहिन सुकुम्वासी दलित मुक्त कमैयाहरुको प्रति व्यक्तिलाई खेती योग्य जमिन वितरण गरिनुपर्छ । भूमिको अधिकतम उपयोग कसरी गर्न सकिन्छ यसको लागि सबैले सोच्नुपर्छ भन्नु हुँदै जनताको जल्दावल्दा सवाललाई अब बन्ने भूमि ऐनमा समेट्नु पर्छ भन्नुभयो । त्यसैगरी नेकपा एमाले सेती अचंल सचिव एवं पूर्व सुकुम्वासी समस्या समाधान आयोगका अध्यक्ष दिनेश चन्द सुवेदीले अबको आन्दोलन भाषण भन्दा राशन पाउनुपर्ने हुन्छ । जनताको आन्दोलनको रक्षा गर्दै अब बन्ने संविधानमा धनी र गरिब बिचको खाल्टोलाई पुर्ने काम गर्नुपर्छ । यदि यस्तो भएन भने जँहा सामाजिक विभेद संास्कृतिक विभेद छ त्यो समाधान भएन भने परिवर्तन गर्न सकेनौं भने समाजको संरचना फेर्न भने अर्को विद्रोह उठ्न सक्छ । नेपालमा भूमि ऐन सम्बन्धि निश्चित नीति नआएकोले पनि यो समस्या समाधान हुन सकेन । दश/दश वर्षमा जग्गा नापी हुनुपर्छ संविधान सभामा दलित सुकुम्वासी भूमिहिनहरुको प्रतिनिधित्व हुनुपर्छ भन्नुभयो ।

कार्यक्रममा राष्ट्रिय दलित नेटवर्क (RDN) नेपालले जिल्लामा गरेको सर्वेक्षण प्रतिवेदन संस्थाका जवालिसंह तिरुवाले प्रस्तुत गर्नु भएको थियो । उक्त प्रतिवेदनमा नेपाली कांग्रेसका बुद्धि सागर चौधरी जनमोर्चा नेपाल कैलालीका अध्यक्ष ओम प्रकाश पुन नेपाली कांग्रेस (प्र.) का छत्रराज जोशी नेकपा माओवादीका DCS क. अंकित, मुक्त कमैया समाजकी सुकदैया चौधरी पीडित पथरैयाकी रमा बादी मसुरियाका बीर िसं बि. क. मुक्त कमैया बसन्ती चौधरी धनगढी एयरपोर्टका दान बहादुर गौतमले अब बन्ने भूमि ऐन पीडितका पक्षमा हुनु पर्नेमा जोड दिएका छन् ।

कार्यक्रमको सभापतित्व RDN नेपालका महासचिव मोहन ओडले गर्नुभएको थियो भने संचालन कैलाली शाखाका अध्यक्ष प्रेम बि. के. ले गर्नु भएको थियो ।

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संचार तथा मानव अधिकार विभाग

राष्ट्रिय दलित नेटवर्क (RDN) नेपाल