- सरोजदिलु विश्वकर्मा

अहिलेका वाहुन जातिमा उनको संस्कारअनुसारको प्रत्येय जोडिएर ‘वाहुनवाद’ बनेको हो । वाहुनलाई अझ उच्चकोटीको तुल्याउन व्राम्हण पद्मी दिईएको थियो, जसले ज्ञान विज्ञानका महान कामहरु गरे । त्यसपछि धर्मशास्त्र अनुसार उच्च आचरण र सभ्य संस्कृति भएकाहरुलाई नै व्राम्हण भनि थालिएको हुनपर्दछ । तर अहिलेका वाहुनहरुलाई मात्रै व्राम्हण भन्न मिल्दैन । किनकी, यिनीहरुभन्दा गैरवाहुनले नै विश्वमा ज्ञान विज्ञानका चमत्कार गरीसके । व्राम्हण त ती हुन्- जसले विश्वलाई आधुनिक आविस्कार र कम्प्युटर र्रर् इन्टरनेटका युगमा पुर्याई सके । अतः नेपाल र भारत, जहाँ छुवाछूतले जरो गाडेको छ, जहाँ शोषण-दोहण हुने गरेको छ, त्यहाँ रहेका यी संस्कृत अथवा अंग्रेजी मात्रै जानेर सभ्य हुन खोज्ने जोकोहीलाई वाहुन कै पंत्तिमा राख्नर्ुपर्दछ र यिनको आचरणलाई वाहुनवाद नै भन्नु उपयूक्त हुन्छ । त्यसकै आधारमा नयाँ परिभाषा खोज्नुपर्ने हुन्छ ।

हाम्रा धर्मशास्त्र अनुसार सवैको पूज्यनीय, धर्मकर्म र्रर् इश्वर भक्तिमा लीन जात नै व्राम्हण हो, जो र्सवज्ञानी हुन्छ, जस्को हरेक लवजबाट पवित्रैपवित्र प्रष्फुटन हुन्छ, जसले अरु मानवको विकासका लागि श्रृजना गर्दछ, संरचना तयार पार्दछ । तर अहिलेका यी व्राम्हणहरुले शंख मात्रै फुक्दैनन्, मानिसहरुको कान मात्रै फुक्दैनन्, दिनमा दर्ुइ प्लेट् सुँगुरको पोर्क बजाउँछन्, रातमा सुटुक्क भित्र पसेर खोयाविर्केदेखि रंगीविरंगी सोमरसमा डुब्छन् अनि वाहिर निस्केर विभेद् रच्छन्, छुवाछूत मान्छन् । यी मनुवादी ब्राम्हणहरु आज कोहीपनि पुस्पक-विमान, स्वर्ण्र्ाांका अथवा यथार्थ-र्स्वर्ग बनाउन जान्दैनन् । यिनीहरुभन्दा त तिनै म्लेच्छेहरु, ह्रि्रो र अरवी, म्ाुश्लिमहरु सयौं गुणा अगाडि आईसके, जसले भू-उपग्रह प्रणालीको संसार नै बर्साईसके । अतः धर्मशास्त्रको परिभाषा अनुसार तिनीहरु चैं व्राम्हण हुन्, यहाँका व्राम्हण त वाहुन मात्रै हुन्, जो सामाजिक, सांस्कृतिक विभेद् र आर्थिक शोषणमा माहिर छन् र जातीय तहको आधारमा आफूलाई जहिलेपनि उच्चकोटीको ठहर्याछन्् । सो कार्यशैली र आचरणले गर्दा उनीहरुलाई व्राम्हण होईन, वाहुन नै भन्नर्ुपर्दछ । यसरी भन्ने हो भने वाहुन भनेको र्सार्वजनिक स्थानमा चै भरसक छूवाछुत नगरेजस्तो गर्ने तर घरमा भने गहुँत छम्केर पस्ने अथवा मिठो र स्वादिलो भेट्टाए भने कुमै जोडेर चप्काउने तर आफ्नो घर दलानमा नै ढिम्किन नदिने, अथवा वाऊआमा मान्दैनन् भनेर पन्छिने, अरुलाई ललाई-फकाई लोभ्याई-उल्क्याई उसका धनसम्पति हडप्ने वा तलबाट उचालेर माथिवाट खर्साईदिने र अनेकअनेक वहाना बनाई वा अरुका लागि अप्ठेराहरु खडा गरिदिई आफ्नै मात्र स्वार्थसिद्ध गर्ने -सकेसम्म हाकाहाकी लिन खोज्ने, नसकेमा चाकडीचाप्लुसी गरेर आफ्नो बनाउने, त्यो पनि नभए जालसाँची गरेर भएपनि लिने, तर आफ्नो चै सुको दिन नचाहनेहरु) लाई वाहुन भन्नु पर्दछ र त्यस्तो संस्कारलाई ‘वाहुनवाद’ । यति मात्र होईन, हिजो संस्कृत पाठ् पढाएर भगवान रिजाए र्स्वर्ग जान पाईन्छ, दुःखकष्ट हरण हुन्छ भनेर र्सवसाधारणको दिमाग भुटी खाँदै आएकाहरु तिनै, आज अंग्रेजी जानेमात्र अवसर वा जागीर पाईन्छ भन्दै आफ्नै मात्र भूँडी भर्ने तथा हरेक अवसर र श्रोतमा आफनै मात्र वर्शच्व जमाउनका लागि हरेक सीमा निर्धारण गरी अरुलाई वञ्चित गर्ने पद्धति वाहुनवाद हो ।

हामी विगतलाई हर्ेनसक्छौं- यिनकै नीति निर्देशन अनुसार शासन चल्थ्यो । क्षेत्रीलाई धर्मकर्ममा लठ्ठ पारेर सुरा पियाऊँदै र सुन्दरी भिडाउँदै यिनै वाहुन जातिहरु र्सवश्रेष्ठ र प्रशंसनीय मानव जाति भए, शासनमा यिनीहरु सधैं पुज्यनीय भए । यिनले नै हाम्रो श्रम र धन शोषण गरेर मन्दिर बनाउन लगाए, फेरी त्यो मिन्दरमा धनदौलत वा द्रब्यादि चढाएमात्र मरेपछि पार पाईन्छ भन्ने भ्रम श्रृजना गरिदिए । गैरवाहुनहरुले आफ्नो श्रम खर्चिर्दै गए, आफ्ना सुनचादी र घरमा उत्पादनहरु तिनै मन्दिरमा चढाउँदै गए र ती वाहुनहरु भने हरी ओम् तस्तम् तस्तम् गर्दै त्यो धनदौतल सोहर्न थाले भने त्यसको केही अंश शासकहरुलाई दिएर लठ्ठ पारे । जनमानसमा नचढाएमा नर्क जाने डर पनि श्रजना गरिदिए । अर्कोतिर यिनैहरुले हिजो आफ्ना जजमानहरुलाई मर्ुगा वनाएर उनीहरुबाटै धन लिदैं ज्ञान आर्जन गरे । त्यही ज्ञानले धनमाथि धन कमाउँदै गए, आज तिनैहरु देशविदेशमा पहुँच पुरयाएर उच्च कोटीको शिक्षा हासिल गरिरहेका छन् भने ती विचरा जजमानहरु मुक्ति होला भन्दै तिनै पुरैतहरुलाई नै धन आआफ्ना धन टक्रयाउँदै ठिक्क छन् । त्यसले के खाओस् छोराछोरीलाई के राम्रो उच्च शिक्षा देओस् ! यसरी धनी र गरीव, ज्ञानी र अज्ञानी विचको दुरी फराकिलो हुदैं आयो । फलस्वरुप, आज हामी राजनीतिक पार्टर्ीी हेरौं, सवैमा वाहुनहरु नै नेतृत्व पंत्तिमा, त्यसका संघसंगठनमा हेरौं, कर्मचारीतन्त्रमा हेरौं, उही वाहुनकै अगुवाई । मन्त्रालयमा, ब्यापारमा, सवैतिर वाहुनैवाहुनको हालीमुहाली छ । शिक्षा, स्वास्थ्य, सञ्चार, साहित्य राजनीतिमा, नगारिक आन्दोलनमा, प्रशासनमा हेरौं- हिजोका तिनै पुरैतहरुकै वंशजहरु ज्यादा छन् । जसका पर्ुखाले हिजो जनताका धन, श्रम लुटेर मन्दिर बनाउन लगाए, त्यही मन्दिरलाई आफ्नो तपोभूमि बनाए र त्यहींको आर्जनबाट तिनकै सन्तानले राज्यका विभिन्न अवसरहरु ओगटे, आज उनीहरु नै अग्रपंतिमा छन् । फेरी उनीहरु नै विभिन्न सीमा लगाएर आफैंमात्र अवसर भोगी हुने सुरक्षित धन्दा चलाइरहेका छन् । आज त्यही आचरणमा तिनै पुराना व्राम्हणहरुकै शाखा सन्तानहरुले नै विभिन्न ओहदामा पुगेर निर्धा र गरीव विपन्नमाथि छुवाछूत गर्दैछन् । पहिले हाकाहाकी छुवाछूत वा भेदभाव गरिन्थ्यो भने अहिले नयाँ ढंग र आमूल परिवर्तन सहीतको विभेद गरिन्छ ।

यो हुनुको मुल कारण त्यही संस्कृतवादी रुद्रीचण्डी नै हो । फरक यति हो - यिनले हिजो अरु जातिले नवुझ्ने संस्कृत भाषामा ब्याख्या गरेर समाजमा शोषण गर्ने वा गराउने गर्दथे, आज अंग्रेजी भाषाको भाङले यिनै तल पारिएका जातजाति र वर्ग, समुदायलाई लठ्याएर र्सवसाधारण जनतामाथि शोषण गर्ने र तिनीहरुको दिमाग भुटी आफैमात्र फेरीपनि कमाउने र जमाउने जालसाँची गरीरहेका छन्, त्यसका सञ्जालहरु स्थापना गरिरहेका छन् । यो नै नववाहुनवादको नयाँ रणनीति हो ।

तर यस किसिमको वाहुनवाद अहिले केवल वाहुनजातिमा मात्र सीमित छैन । माथि भनिएअनुसार जो जो यस किसिमका आचरणहरु दर्शाउँदैछन् ती सवै वाहुनवादी हुन् । उपाध्याय वाहुनदेखि क्षेत्री, नेवार, जानजाति, दलित, मधेसी, मुश्लीम, वौद्ध, डोम, चमार आदि जोसुकै यस्तो आरचण देखाउँछन्, आफैंमात्र लाऊ आफैंमात्र खाऊ भन्छन् भने ती जातले वाहुन नभएपनि आचरणले वाहुनवादी हुन् । यस्तै वादले अहिले मधेसी, दलित तथा जनजाति अथवा क्षेत्री जातिसमेतलाई जकडियाएको छ । ती उच्चकोटीका पुरैत दर्जामा आजभोली अभिजात नेवार समुदाय देखा पर्दैछन्, जसले राज्य अधिकांश आर्थिक संरचनामा आफ्नो दरीलो नेर्टवर्क बनाएका छन् । त्यसपछि तिनका नीतिशास्त्रबाट प्रशिक्षित क्षेत्रीयाहरु छन्, त्यसपछि त्यही सीको गर्ने जनजाति, दलित, मधेसी, महिला भित्रका अगुवा पुरैत-प्रशिक्षार्थीहरु । तिनले तहगतरुपमा क्रमशः त्यही सीको अन्य जातजाति वा वर्ग वा समुदायले पनि अनुकरण गर्दै आएका छन् । यहि संस्कार पहिलेदेखि अहिलेसम्म र दरवारदेखि झुपडीसम्म यथावत् छ । जो आफूभन्दा निर्धा र सानालाई उल्लु बनाएर, धम्क्याएर एउटा एउटा निहुँ झिकी शोषणदोहन गरी नै रहेका छन्, तिनले यिनै पिछडिएकाहरुकै आवाजहरुलाई उर्ठाई र तिनैका दुखाईमा ऐयाआथोका नाटक गर्दै फेरीपनि उनीहरु नै हरेक क्षेत्रमा कब्जा जमाईरहेका छन् । त्यसवाट तिनीहरुलाई यथेष्ठ द्रब्य प्राप्ती हुन्छ भने उनीहरु एकक्षण आफैंलाई तथानाम गाली गरेर भएपनि ट्वाईलेटको प्यानमा पसेको मोहरलाई नाकले टिप्न संकोच मान्दैनन् ।

यसको अर्थ हो- वाहुन समुदायमा मात्र होइन, जुन्जुन् जातजातिमा यस्तो संस्कारवाला अभिजातहरु छन्, ती सवै वाहुनवादीहरु हुन् । अतः जो अरु मानवलाई आफूसरह ठान्दछन्, जो सवैले समान अस्तित्वमा वाँच्न पाउनर्ुपर्दछ भन्ने ब्यवहार गर्दछन्, जो विभिन्न वहानामा राज्यको श्रोत, सम्पति र अवसरहरु हडप्दैनन्, तिनलाई यो परिभाषाले छुदैंन । तर जो मन्दिरमा मध्यरातीदेखि लाम् परेर सातपल्ट ढुङगा वा धातुको मर्ुर्तिलाई घोप्टो परीपरी ढोग्दछ तर आत्मामा चैं अरुलाई जतिसक्दो नङगाएर आफैमात्र श्रेष्ठ बनौं भन्ने सोच राख्दछ र त्यसमै आफ्नो सभ्यता देख्दछ, प्रतिष्ठा ठान्दछ अथवा देखावटीरुपमा समान मानवधर्मको कुरा गर्दै आफ्नै मात्र धन्दा चलाउँछ, जो मिनेटमा साठीपल्टै इश्वरको नाम पुकार्दै ब्यवहारमा भने विभेद गर्दछ र शोषण गर्दछ र आफ्नो स्वार्थपर्ूर्तिका लागि अरुलाई दवाउँछ, अरुकै धन कब्जा गरेर दात ङच्ियाउँदै आफू मात्रै मालिक हुन खोज्दछ, त्यो जुनसुकै वर्ग, श्रेाणी वा जाति होस्, निख्खर वाहुनवादी हो । अम्वेड्करले आफ्नै लागि मात्र धर्म मान्नेहरु राष्ट्रका लागि पनि हुदैनन् भनेर भनेजस्तै अनेक वहाना बनाएर हुन्जेल मुलुकै हडप्ने र त्यसैवाट छलाङ मार्दै रित्याएपछि त्यसैमा लात मार्ने ती जोसुकै हुन्, ती सवै समाज र राष्ट्रका लागि हिजोपनि थिएनन्, आजपनि छैनन् । जोसंग राष्ट्र, समाज र सम-मानव मोहभन्दा धन्दाको मोह ज्यादा हुन्छ, ती सवै वाहुनवादी हुन् ।

डा. द्रोणप्रकाश रसालीको लघु परिचर्चा “समग्र असमानताको ऐनारुपमा जन स्वास्थ्य असमानता” बाट:

“… असमानताहरुलाई सहजरुपले सहि र प्राकृतिक ठानिराख्ने सोंच डरलाग्दो किसिमले समाजमा अझै जमेको पाइन्छ ।”

“प्रस्तुत आंकडाले १ वर्षो शिशु मृत्यु दर र ५ वर्षमुनिका शिशुको मृत्यु दर दुबैमा बाहुन र नेवार समुहको सबभन्दा कम दर देखाई सर्वोत्तम अवस्था भएको किटान गरेको छ भने मुसलमान र दलित जातीय समुहको सबभन्दा बढी दर भएको प्रष्ठ पारेको छ ।”

Source: The maiden issue of Chautari (Vol. 1, No. 1, October 10, 2008), a variety collection magazine brought out by Nepalese living in Canada.

Download the fulltext of this commentary:
Short Commentary: Population health inequality as a mirror of overall inequality (in Nepali)’ .

- Mitra Pariyar

The election of Barak Obama as the first Black President of America was widely acclaimed. It wasn’t just in America where fireworks were played. It appears the euphoria made it all the way to the Himalayan republic of Nepal as well. All local papers gave prominence to the election and indeed the results. Some leading papers wrote editorials singing the glory of Obama-the-Great; and a leading daily hoped the President-elect would allow illegal immigrants from Nepal to settle in his country.

One of those greatly excited by the Obama victory was our not-so-novice Foreign Minister Upendra Yadav, who publicly commented that this had brought “joy” to all the underprivileged people. For once, I was forced to ask myself – is he the Foreign Minister or the Minister for Minority Rights? I thought even the non-minority people had admired the positive change in the US history.

Yadav’s remarks indicated that he considers himself to be the de facto spokesman of the marginalised people of Nepal. He probably gets this narcissist impression from his clever play of the Madhesi card in the past years which provided him a swift access to power. But does he qualify to speak on behalf of all the marginalised people of Nepal? Why didn’t he speak on Nepal-US relations instead, as per his responsibility? He could have asked the President-elect to pour more aid money to help his government create a new Nepal. I am sure Prime Minister Prachanda would not have objected to such a plea because he has already done so with the outgoing administration in his recent US visit. Or if Yadav did not have anything significant to say, perhaps he should have restrained his urge to make a statement.

The situation of African-American people in America before racism was effectively banned was, in many ways, similar to the current situation of the low caste in Nepal. People from Dom, Chamar, Harijan, Musahar and other communities in his region are today facing the similar prejudices and discriminations as Obama’s grandparents in their youth. Upendra Yadav (and his party) has never attempted to accommodate the voices of these people undergoing daily segregation and domination and humiliation at the hands of the high caste, including the Yadavs. To those who understand this reality, it looked extremely absurd and fallacious when he expressed his “joy” on behalf of the underprivileged.

Going back to Obama, one would argue, why is there so much excitement - more about his colour than his talents? Why should all minorities of the world rejoice his ascent to power? Is he the harbinger of hope for all the suppressed people and communities in the world? Is it his job to fight for the rights of the ethnic minorities everywhere? As the President of the most powerful democratic nation, his certain policies could have positive influences globally. But he will be working to promote the best interests of the pan-American people and that of the American state. This is the job he is voted for. I am sure his supporters did not vote for him because they desperately wanted to see a Black successor to President Bush. They looked at his potential, integrity, and proposal for a better future, and trusted on him to bring about the change he promised. He may frustrate them in the future, but now the Americans expressed their faith on him and gave him the license to rule. Besides, he is not one of those impoverished men directly walking out of the Black ghettos; he belongs to a ruling class in America. His lifestyle is no different to the Whites, what differentiates is his colour he got from his Kenyan father, even his mother was a White.

There is, however, a powerful symbolic significance of the Obama victory, particularly for the American minorities. This victory was significant in the way that it showed many Americans had rejected racism, not just in conformity with the legislation but also out of their mental constructs. This indicates the greatness of the American people because of their great egalitarian values. And the victory has also shown that the meritocracy has indeed burgeoned in the US, which means the American minorities, once treated as outcaste and slaves and aliens in the society, now have a better chance of succeeding through hard work and talent. The ascribed status matters much less.

But this can not be correlated to countries like ours for the basic fact that Nepal is not America. Even in the UK people do not anticipate a Black Prime Minister anytime soon.

In fact India had such an example long back when it had its President from a Dalit community (although President is not an executive position). Perhaps this may have acted as an inspiration for other Dalits in India. But we did not see any marked change of policy or programme in favour of some 300 million low caste during his regime as well. Such is the reality of our parts of the world. I wonder how much psychological impact will be drawn from the American President.

A question arises - when will Nepal have a Prime Minister from a Dalit community? Based on the current trend, my answer would be – probably never. If there is a cross-party, uncontested understanding in Nepal, it is the undeclared policy of turning deaf ears to the low caste. It is frustrating that even the Maoist-led government has not shown any concern on this front and there is a growing recognition among the oppressed people that we might be losing out on the recent historical changes as well. Dalits will probably not get their Obama in the next couple of centuries.

(The author is a Post Graduate Student at the University of Oxford, United Kingdom. He can be reached at ud.pariyar@gmail.com.)

RELATED NEWS:

Barack Obama becomes the first African-American elected as the 44th President of United States

Dashain-Tihar celebration, an annual event organised by the Srijanshil Nepali Samaj in Aldershot, UK, featured Nepalese cultural programme, food, drinks and a short formal session involving some speeches. And of course, the event gave emphasis on the informal get-together, which was indeed the best part.

It was however, sad to learn that the Nepalese people settled in the UK still have not given up their stereotype against the people of so-called low caste. They explicitly or implicitly show their casteist behaviour, an extreme form of undeclared racism.

- Mitra Pariyar
University of Oxford

I was invited to a Dashain-Tihar celebration organised by the Srijanshil Nepali Samaj in Aldershot, UK. The annual event featured Nepalese cultural programmes, food, drinks and a short formal session involving some speeches. And of course, the event gave emphasis on the informal get-together, which was indeed the best part.

It took me more than an hour by train to get to the place from my place Oxford. On arrival, I felt as if I had actually gone back to my country. One would almost always bump into Nepalese people on the streets. I knew it was one of the Nepalese hubs in the UK as a result of having a Gurkha establishment for a long time, but I did not know that so many Nepalese live in the area! Thousands of Nepalese, mostly Gurkhas, live in Aldershot and nearby Farnborough areas.

The President of the organisation, Sher Bahadur Sunar, himself a former Gurkha, was somewhat different from many other Gurkhas. He was well aware of the political developments in Nepal and was in fact involved in politics through local sister organisations. He is one of the few people from our background in the UK recognised by London. Sunar is enterprenual as well. He runs a restaurant which features lok dohori, particularly over the weekends. I thought he is doing an emulative work of promoting Nepalese interests in the UK.

When he launched his organisation in 2007, many had advised him to label it as a “Dalit” organisation. Many had also suggested him to limit the association to his own caste group - Bishwakarma. But he rejected both ideas and named it Srinjalshil Nepali Samaj (Creative Nepalese Society). I rather prefer this alternative not least because “srinjalshil” is potentially a better replacement for the term “Dalit”. It evokes a more forward-looking and positive image of the so-called low caste. Needless to state, our tradition is one of creativity, without which societies in the past would not run. We are a bunch of people with craftsmanship in our blood. This is still the case with most low caste in the rural parts of the country, although the feudal social system has deliberately projected our traditional occupation as profane.

And his effort to include people from across the caste groups is something to be learnt by everyboday. One of the reasons for the failure of so-called Dalit movements is our inability to rise above our caste, partisan and familial interests. We still have not learnt to get united; divided as we are, our case is bound to remain feeble and uninfluential.

The cultural programme was also quite good. It was good to know that the young kids who have been here for a while had not forgotten their culture and tradition. The diaspora must indeed make sure that the cultural package from our society/civilisation comes with us and stays with us for many generations. Our culture defines who we are and where we come from. If we lose our culture, we fear losing our identity.

It was also an opportunity to see for myself how the Gurkhas had settled in the UK. This is a relatively recent development. British Gurkhas are considered fairly well off in our society in Nepal. It was clear that many of them wish to go back at a certain point, possibly when their children would be able to look after themselves. They badly miss their good life back home. They are rather frustrated that they have to work hard once again, even after retirement, to make a living in this costly land. Specially, the spouses had an unusually hard time compared to their much-privelaged life in Kathmandu or Pokhara or Dharan. May I state, the term Lahureni has become an icon for the extravagant women in Nepal.

It was however, sad to learn that the Nepalese people settled in the UK still have not given up their stereotype against the people of so-called low caste. They explicitly or implicitly show their casteist behaviour, an extreme form of undeclared racism. The UK is a country where you can not discriminate against people on the basis of their race or colour or origin. But the Nepalese people’s habits die hard. This is an issue that deserves serious attention. I am sure the UK Government would be willing to look into it if the residents made formal complaints in an organised manner. I am not sure what the situation is in other European countries and across the Atlantic.

RELATED ITEMS/NEWS:

Srijanshil (Dalit) Diaspora Celebrates Dashain in UK

The nepaldalitinfo expands networking collaboration in UK

BBC Sajha Sawal: CA member Padamlal Bishwakarma debates for secular state. He opposes the state supporting Hindu religion which made him suffer as an untouchable below the human dignity for hundreds of years.

Click at the link below: पदमलाल विश्वकर्मा, सपना मल्ल, प्रत्युष वन्त र दीनबन्धु पोखरेलसंग-5.10.08

- प्रकाश चन्द्र परियार

दशैको लगतै हामी नेपालीहरुको अर्को ठुलो चाड तिहारको संघारमा आईपुगेका छौ । तिहारको शुभकामना आदान प्रदान पनि शुरु भई सकेको छ । यही मेसोमा विश्वभरीका आदरणीय दलित दाजुभाइ तथा दिदी वहिनीहरुमा म पनि यही अपिल मार्फ शुभकामना अर्पण गर्न चाहन्छु ।

प्रसंग तिहारकै हो तर म हरेक तिहारको धार्मिक तथा आर्थिक हिसावले र्सवाधिक महत्व मानिने गाई तिहार याने लक्ष्मिपुजाको दिनलाई विशेष स्वागत गरिरहेको छु आर्थिक र धार्मिक मानेमा होईन सामाजिक अँन्दोलनका युग पुरुष, जातिवादी विरुद्धका प्रणेता , नेपाली साहित्यका पिताममह, दक्षिण एशियाका सिद्धहस्त चिन्तक, राष्ट्रवादलाई केन्द्रीय महत्वका साथ शिक्षामन्त्री वनेका महाकवि लक्ष्मिप्रसाद देवकोटाको स्मृतिमा ।

ति महान व्यक्तित्व जसले व्रि्रम संवत २ हजार २ सालमा यो सताव्दिकै चर्चित साहित्यिक कृति मुना मदनको रचना रचना गरे ।

विकीका हिसावले समेत प्रज्ञा प्रतिष्ठान र साझा प्रकाशनको दर्तामा मुनामदन आज सम्मकै र्सवाधिक विकी र सवैभन्दा वढी छापिएको साहित्यिक निधिमा किर्तीमानी कायम छ । तिनै महान व्यक्तित्व लक्ष्मिप्रसाद देवकोटाको जन्म जयन्ति आगामी १२ गते याने अक्टोवर २८ गते मनाईदैछ । राणा शासनको समय जति वेला छुवाछुत प्रथा कानुनी दायरामा लादिएको थियो त्यतिवेला मानिस ठुलो दिलले हुन्छ जातले हुदैन भन्ने महान विचारलाई नेपाली झर्र्र्रो भाषामा साहित्यिक श्रृजना गरेर नेपाली जातिवादी, संकर्ीण्ा भाग्यवादी, विभेदकारी र दास युग विरुद्ध शब्द वुनेर त्यसको अन्त्यका लागि धावा वोल्दै नेपाली समाजलाई समानता, भाइचारा र मानवताका नाताले दिशा निर्देश गर्न राणा शासनको खप्कि व्यहोर्दै कलम चलाए अथवा त्यति वेलाको अवस्थामा राणा शासन विरुद्ध जघन्य अपराध गरे र त्यसको परिणाम पनि भोगे, जेलको काल कोठरीमा ।

उनै महान व्यक्तित्वको जन्म जयन्तिलाई नेपाली दलित आन्दोलनका सारथीहरु, समतावादी चिन्तनका अगुवाहरु, मानवतावादी आन्दोलनका नेतृत्वकर्ताहरु , जीवनवादी दर्शनका पक्षपातिहरु र सामाजिक आन्दोलनका नेताहरु, मानवअधिकारका अभियनताहरु मात्रै होईन जातिवादी, छुवाछुतप्रेमी र हिन्दू धार्मिक अतिवादको खिलापमा जान अन्जान अग्रपंक्तिमा रहेका समस्त नेपालीहरुको अग्रजका रुपमा महामानव लक्ष्मि प्रसाद देवकोटालाई सम्झना गर्दै उनको योगदानको उच्च सम्मान र नेपाली सामाजिक आन्दोलनमा उनले खेलेको अतुलनिय भुमिकालाई हामीले कसरी संस्थागत रुपमै मनाउन सक्छौ - साहित्यिक महारथीका रुपमा विख्यात चरचा पछि साहित्यक क्षेत्रमा अचाक्ली श्रद्धा कमाएका देवकोटा साहित्य अनुरागीहरुका लागि मात्रै सम्झना योग्य हुन त - अथवा उनी कविहरुका लागि मात्र पुजनिय हुन त्यसमा पुनरावलोकनको जरुरी महसुस गरेको छु । अथवा व्यत्तित्वका अगाडी महाकवि पद धारण गरे पछि सामाजिक क्षेत्रले उनलाई साहित्यकारको पेवाकै रुपमा छोडी दिएका त होईनन प्रश्न गर्न मन लागेको छ ।

त्यसैले पर््रार्थनीय साहित्यकारहरुमध्ये पनि भिमनिधि तिवारी,महानन्द सापकोटा, छविलाल पोखरेलहरु९ जन्म भने निधि, सापकोटा, पोखरेल र देवकोटाहरु कथित उच्च जातीय कुलमा जन्मिएका हुन जस्ता संकर्ीण्ा जातिवादी विरोधी कलमवाजहरुका पनि शिर्षथ र पुजनिय व्यक्तित्व लक्ष्मिप्रसाद देवकोटालाई किन सामाजिक आन्दोलनका प्रणेतका रुपमा हामीले उच्च कोटीको सम्मान गर्ने परम्परा नवसाल्ने भन्ने चिन्तनको विजारोपण गर्दै कार्यान्वयनतर्फ दृष्टिगोचर होस भन्ने अभि प्रायका साथ यो अपिल वहसमा ल्याउन चाहेको हु“ ।

महा मानव देवकोटाको जन्मजयन्तीलाई जातिवाद विरुद्धको आन्दोलनका रुपमा मनाउन जातिवादवाट राष्ट्रिय अन्तराष्ट्रिय जीवनमा पछाडी पारिएका दलित आदिवासी जनजाति र गैर व्राहमण सुमदायलाई क्रमशः यो आन्दोलनमा ऐक्यवद्धता जनाउदै अवैज्ञानिक जातिवाद विरुद्धको अभियानमा हातेमालो गर्न देवकोटा जयन्तिको मन्चलाई उपयोग गर्न हामी पछाडी परिरहेका त छैनौ - पैरवी र टिप्पणीका लागि सकारात्मक सकारात्मक हुन सक्छ ।

देवकोटाकृत मुनामदन काब्यमा आधारित चलचित्र पनि वनिसकेको छ । त्यसलाई पर््रवर्द्धन गर्न राष्ट्रिय चलचित्र विकास वोर्ड , चलचित्र कलाकार संघ र निर्माता संघहरुले उल्लेख्य चासो जाहेर गरेनन, नत चलचित्रको विषयवस्तु जातिवाद विरुद्ध छ र त्यसलाई पर््रवर्द्धन गरेर जातिय विभेद विरुद्धको अभियानमा उपयोग गर्ने रणनीति दलित जनजातिहरुले गर्ननै सके ।

Lately, I have been contemplating about dalit issues and their future in the new Nepal, and I am haunted by the thought of dalit-issues or causes being forced to disappear in the thickness of buzzwords like equality, proportional representation, justice etc. The reason I am worried is that through out the history of Nepal, dalits have been given just lip services of nice sounding words and promises but no concrete results. That has been the modus oprandi of all the past governments whether it was Panchayat, Nepali Congress or Communist governments. Generally speaking, Dalit status in Nepal has not undergone any perceivable change. Educational, economical or employment disparity between dalits and brahmins or any other ethnic group for that matter is rather staggering. Remember this disparity has been at work even before Nepal became what we call Nepal, some time 240 years ago.

Maoist government no doubt have been instumental in showing signs of forming an inclusive government at least in spirit, with almost 50 members elected/selected from dalit community for the constitutional assembly, however, they have no minister from dalit community inducted in their own cabinet. In a recent visit in the NYC to attend the 63rd UN General assembly the PM Prachanda, touted over the diverse group of Nepalese being represented in the constitutional assembly and the current cabinet, and that Nepal has set the bar high when it comes to female representation. He stressed that Nepal will solve Nepalese problems in Nepali way so that the world will one day use Nepal as a model. However, amidst such positive indicators I want to warn the dalit community and its leaderships to be extremely cautious and must not start celebrating yet. I want to remind them the story of “macha macha bhyaguta” .

In a private meeting with the PM in NYC, I personally asked the PM for a formal state apology to dalits to be declared by the Government in order to legitimize the dalit issue in the New Nepal and he offered NO ANSWER. Instead, he likened dalit plight to a cultural phenomenon which will take a long time to go away. Such statements simply remind me of maintaining the “parampara” according to the Mulki Ain. He then went on to say that in the new Nepal dalit should be offered compensation package of some sort (no details) rather than establishing a reservation systems modeled after India or the USA for the upliftment their discriminated class. His argument was that the system of reservation has ” the smell of satisfying a beggar” and the system of compensation has the smell of dignity. While I accept the “smell” factor associated with reservation system, however, in the lack of any details of compensation system I am forced to raise doubts. Reservation system has effectively been at work in
India and the USA for long time, and has brought staggering changes in the lives and status of discriminated class of these country. One of the reasons why reservation system has been successful in these countries is because the governments of these countries are proactive in discrimination issues. They have developed strict laws to protect dalits or discriminated class’ rights and enforced them with serious consequences if violated– it particularly so at least in the USA if not entirely in India. So, considering the history of Nepal, dalit intellectuals must be vary wary of such beautiful sounding words like equality or justice and start celebrating. We will have to monitor the government’s commitment on our issues. As far as compensation package is concerned we must demand the new government to provide details and give us a road map to achieve equality or justice which the new government so proudly touts. To give dalit their dignity back, Maoist led political revolution in Nepal is just not enough. It will require cultural and psychological revolutions. If Maoists are the true followers of the supreme leader Mao Zedong of China, then bring about a real cultural revolution also. In my opinion depending on the temporal factors to solve the cultural problems is like passing the buck and maintaining the Mulki Aine laws of Panchayat system. The reason I believe so is because people in general do not give up their culture if it provides them a lot of benefit in their economical and political life. Caste system offers a serious economical and political cache to privileged class of Nepal. There is no incentive for them change. They need to be forced to change through strict laws and their enforcements. China is presently reaping the fruits of Mao’s cultural and political revolution in form of economical and political success in the world arena. They achieved this, because they did not depend on the temporal factors to solve their problems but because the government of China was and is proactive in social, cultural, and political life of the society. The new Nepal must start the new Nepal with a healthy dose of enforcement of laws in its true sense. This will awaken, condition and prepare the people of Nepal for the future society where equality and justice for all truly mean something tangible.

RKS

“…. Alas, we also inherit the social, cultural, and religious conditioning passed on to us by our childhood environment, which may even consider another human as an untouchable kind! For unknown number of generations, Dalits were prohibited from entering schools, and education remained under the entitlement of Brahmins through this practice of inheriting social status! Despite following the same religion and believing in the same God, Dalits were not, and are still not, permitted to enter temples. What a religion we have inherited!”

In this article, the author expresses his predicament of being deeply swamped into the ills of materials and socio-cultural behaviors he has inherited.

- Dr Pramod Dhakal

My mother’s death came so early and suddenly that I had neither time nor the capacity for contemplating about life seriously. However, this event made me contextually old enough to understand my father’s ailments and to sense the fright of his inevitable and impending death. I remember dwelling on the “when” and “how” of my life as a farmer in the land that I would consequently inherit. I was, however, hopeful of completing my high school and supplementing the farm income with some job. But my life took an unexpected turn and I pursued other dreams. I became an urbanite and my brothers who lived in the village subsequently sold our house, with my acceptance. Although done with benevolent motives, my brothers made a different judgment call than I in the affairs of selling the property inherited from our parents. The day after signing off the paper for selling the house and the land surrounding it, which my father had apparently registered in my name, I had said to my brother that I was distressed. And, my brother was equally bothered by my lack of understanding about his predicaments. Our wounds were healed years ago but the images and scars are well and alive today to be re-read. The positive side of this is that I came to understand the institution of inheritance better than I could ever learn by chasing great libraries of the world.

What happened to me must have happened to numerous others because I saw so many people in the village migrate to the plains as I was growing up. After an untimely death of my oldest brother, my Bhauju (sister-in-law) got along with her brothers and migrated to the plains in search of a better future, which was not to come true as more misfortunes followed and they are living in a slum today. When I remember those days as she was doing her final preparation for migration, it breaks my heart even today. Her three young children were lined up besides her the morning she left her house for good. She cried loudly and profusely as she was leaving. Even a young boy like me can sense and remember her cries. As a grown up person, when I recall those mental imprints and think, they make me distraught, although what happened was so distant from today. Bhauju knew that she was leaving behind almost everything she created, was going to be stranger in her own land, and will not be able to make a come back. This scene reminds me of the power of connections that we feel to our heritage.

When I think of the suffering of my oldest brother’s children and grandchildren, I blame much of it on the over-production of children. Why three, four, or nine? If there were only two children in the family, they would have had enough land to inherit and be happy campers. Having more than two children has caused havoc in the families as the land is being divided on and on to the last Surko (a little strip of terraced land). Today, I wish there was a system of giving incentive to make two children and inflicting disincentives when people make more. Then I would not be there as the ninth child to claim my right over my parent’s land and the family’s cumulative sufferings would have been lesser. There would be more abundance and less hurt. Today, when we total the pains and gains of all in our family, with me the lone well to do and those numerous suffering, we are much behind our parents. Not only that, by overpopulating ourselves, we have displaced other species of lives from the land. With less of us roaming around, more number of rabbits, birds, fish, snakes, frogs, trees, shrubs and other lives would have been spared for the future generations to enjoy. What a tremendous tragedy we inherit when we overpopulate!

When we sold our fertile Khola Khet to buy a piece of land in the plains, the act of selling had caused only a mild distress in me. I thought that there will be manifold production of rice in the new land as compared to the old one. Even today, I have a little bit of inherited land left in the village but it is not emotionally associated with me as strongly as some other things. Stronger are the feelings evoked by Dhaireni, Raniban and Theule Kholo that did not belong to anyone. Even stronger are the feelings for the home. A home is a home and its value can never be replaced by money or material. Home is about memories and all those known and unknown interactions that we did with people and nature that looked so enormous and awe inspiring for our little minds. It reminds me of our parents, brothers, sisters, and so much more that no human can ever describe. All the imprints that ever get written in our brain and shape us as who we are today come from there. My mother was the most loving of all and the most beautiful of all for me. When I was distraught, no woman in the world could tame me other than my mother. The traits I inherited from my parents and a great deal of other natural probabilities play role in making me unlike any other in the world. Therefore, I am largely what I inherited. To be able to hold onto some of my past and what I inherited is a matter of overwhelming pride to me.

As much as inheritance is a matter of pride, it is also a matter of pain as well. “Born Brahmin”, I was led to believe that I was superior to a Chhetri, Magar or Sarki in the social strata. And my parents were led to believe the same. Using all the mental tools passed down to me, I also planted a sense of inferiority on others but the extent of damage I might have caused cannot be truly known to me. Today I carry a sense of guilt because of all the ignorance I inherited. I empathize when the children of Dalit say, “Compensate us for all the damages your ancestors caused to our ancestors and us.” I wish there was no system of inheriting the land, caste, wealth, and all other things. In the absence of inheritance, I would be free of burden that came along with it. But I have this responsibility on my shoulder to atone for the damage caused not only by me but also by my ancestors on other fellow humans who are no less than me. I am writing these words from a comfortable sofa in Canada but am guilty that those Dalits, Magars, Chhetris and Bahuns of my village who are still deprived of fundamental tools of empowerment. Their families are torn apart as men are roaming the streets of India and Arab for sending home meager money for their families’ bodily survival. I am troubled by the suffering of those people.

And, I am not living in peace in Canada either! I worry how I could do something for those marginalized people of Nepal left out in those mountains and valleys even though most of my relatives and family members have drifted away from the place. Only people left in my village among our nine siblings and their families are one brother and his wife both in their fifties. Despite all this, even a simple contemplation and some rudimentary gestures of help sometimes get associated with the issue of integrity. However, when I look underneath all of this, I see inheritance in the working. I see a world where “me” and “mine” are battling with “not-me” and “not-mine”. We humans are quick to discover that “he” is “not-me” and “his” are “not-mine”. So how far away in the world I may run, my inheritance is chasing me like a ghost! I cannot even atone for my sin of inheritance in peace!

I notice that I am proud Nepali despite living in Canada for two decades and being a proud Canadian. Almost everything I materially possess is here but it bothers me when “they” do not issue me a visa for more than a month when I go to Nepal. It feels as if “they” are trying to protect “their” country from me. It repeatedly brings my Thakali classmate Purna Jwarchan of Begnas, Kaski in my imagination. I feel as if he is being stopped at the checkpoint of Mustang and given a time limit to visit his ancestral place and get out of there quickly. It makes me restless and forces me to question, “Why do I feel like a Nepali?” Is it because Koshi and Karnali flow or Mount Everest smiles in Nepal? Is it because Prithvi Narayan gave “birth” to that country? No! I conclude that it is because some abstract entity called Nepal is the “owner” of my birthplace. If Galkote Raja, China, or India had “owned” it, I would be Galkote, Chinese, or Indian purely because of how the political map of the world gets drawn. In reality, I am like a tree whose roots are in the village of Madi but in a far away place called Canada that it is producing flowers and fruits; and what you are reading now is some of that. Not only the seed and seedling named “me” started growing from Madi but also the bulk of nourishment for my mind comes from there to this date. My physical head is breathing Canadian air, without which I would be dead right now, but my primary root is firmly attached in Madi. Most of the ingredients that made me the way I am today come from there. I am just the condiment made from a mixture of those ingredients.

Did we choose to be born where we did? Did we have any option to be born somewhere else? Still we the intelligent people do not stop finding differences amongst us. Our primal instinct subconsciously distinguishes who is ours and who is not. This is again the work of the subconscious world of inheritance. To inherit is our nature in which there are both triumphs and tribulations. We inherit the genes of our parents and we inherit their [behavioral] manners. Alas, we also inherit the social, cultural, and religious conditioning passed on to us by our childhood environment, which may even consider another human as an untouchable kind! For unknown number of generations, Dalits were prohibited from entering schools, and education remained under the entitlement of Brahmins through this practice of inheriting social status! Despite following the same religion and believing in the same God, Dalits were not, and are still not, permitted to enter temples. What a religion we have inherited! While being bothered by all these practices that embarrass me today, I am not here to recommend that we renounce our inheritance completely. Compare it to an intense love that a person living in an abject poverty and humiliation may render to his destitute mother. More accurately speaking, there are some aspects of inheritance that I cannot get rid of even if I wanted to. However, I want to renounce those parts of inheritance that are contradictory to the values that I possess today.

Although, I do neither use it nor do I extract any material gain out of the leftover of the inherited land, I could not gather enough strength to sell it and receive whatever sum of money it may fetch. My brother who uses this land is making a subsistence living there and has a direct value of this land. Yet, I am neither renouncing it nor using it myself. It bothers me time to time. When I go to Nepal, I do not even bother to go and see this piece of land. However, I am fixated on the already sold house and the land around it. I am bothered by the fact that the cement plaster has replaced the cracks where the wild millet used to grow. I miss the orange and lime trees which are dead and gone. But I am happy to see the still alive cherry tree. I love to recall how profusely that tree blooms in the spring. I become bothered when I see the things I valued in disrepair like the dilapidated state of barns, crumbled stone fences, and the disappeared fruit trees. Although the owners are extremely courteous to me, the same pleasant ambience that I was used to is not there to greet me. I scavenge for fig in the already sold land but I do not step on the land 15 minutes walking distance away that I still “own”.

I sometimes wonder, “Is that land really mine?” Is it supposed to belong to only me, my children, then their children, and so on, but no one else? Is earth our private property? Did my parents or grandparents made that land? Do we have the ownership of earth? If we do, why so many people are born landless? Is that fate or the making of our society?

I believe that we brought along a practice of feudal ownership of land. Few people owned and inherited the land and others worked as servants, laborers, and slaves. In the end, everyone made the living but some did extremely well. Over time we tried to rid feudalism and be more equal and freer humans. But those of us who had had either tiny privileges of inheriting a little piece of land, or big privilege of inheriting 100s of Bighas, massive buildings, jewelries, and money, or even bigger privilege of inheriting “high caste”, are slow to accept the fact that we are only temporary dwellers of the earth and not its true owners.

Still I am fixated with this notion called inheritance like a glue. I conclude that a low dose of inheritance of ancestral property, small amount of land or treasures serve useful purpose of connecting us with our past. However, it is not the quantity of inheritance but the emotional value of the inherited entity that matters. Actually, the market value of my house was paid in full by the new owner but the money carried little significance to me. The ravine of Pyarikhalta is still on my ownership but my strongest childhood memories are not associated with it. Therefore, if someone asks me what I would like to inherit, I would say, “my home” or even our ancestral Madus (wooden-chest). Inheriting the ancestral house and the land immediate to it helps me connect to my childhood and my roots.

On the other hand, inheriting anything and everything will make us lethargic, lazy, and unproductive. I see lesser utility of inherited million Rupees or of land in 100s of Bighas. When my youngest sister had just finished Grade 8, a wealthy gentleman from nearby village came to my father proposing a marriage between his son and my sister. My father agreed. I used to be at awe seeing their status and wealth. Some years later, they migrated to the plains and had about 10 Bighas of land and a beautiful house near the highway. The gentleman died in a bus accident after some years and his grown up sons inherited a comfortable amount of property. However, today my sister is near destitute because all the wealth was blown away by those pampered sons of the gentleman. Their inherited status and wealth did not inspire them to work hard. I believe that they would have emerged as hard working and prosperous people if they knew that they would not be able to inherit all that wealth. I have seen simply too many spoiled children of wealthy people. To them, the inheritance is a slow poison and not the elixir as one would hope for.

Inheritance also kills innovation in many circumstances. Years ago I was working in a great telecommunication company. After the high-tech meltdown of early 2000, our division was to be chopped by an ax of “cost cutting measure”. Some experienced executives like Vice President, Director, and Managers negotiated for the divestment of the product and started a new company. As a young fellow in a hurry to be rich, I jumped ship to become a part of this small but great group. In a ten people team, we had six PhDs from great institutions of four different countries. We were one family, supposed to prosper or sink together. All of us burnt our midnight oil to survive through most difficult of times and took no salary for a year. Once the years of struggle and tribulations were passed, the stresses subsided and I started coming up with some off-tangent ideas of inventions. But as a surprise to my ignorant mind, I came to hear that the company belonged to one person and we were part of his family. Subsequently, all my ideas of inventions went into hibernation. To this date, we have not become the billion dollar company we aspired and consider seeing the numbers in millions as our high achievements. After eight years of working, I neither have a clear idea of how much of that company is mine if at all, nor do I have a desire to waitress with the servings of inventions due to a fear that someone might eat more than his fair share. At the same time, I have not put forward those tough questions to those responsible for managing all that aspect of business so as to not break the family. When I look into this predicament, I see the mischievous work of this evil called inheritance in all this. If none of us could pass our wealth to our children but had to consume ourselves, we might have thought about wealth differently. But because we can pass our wealth to our children, we see utility in hoarding more than what might be our fair share. The fact that I do not live in a million dollar house with swimming pools and maids is of little significance to me but it bothers me that inequity can be passed down to generations. This has led me to renounce the capital I might have accumulated in the company and give instead to charity so that I do not pass the burden of heavy inheritance to my children.

This has made me actually understand the plight of Nepal’s Dalits and how the benevolent masters might have squeezed them to the bottom of the social and economic strata for generations. Today’s market capitalists are emerging as the new Brahmins of the world and killing the innovative potential of the people who work with them. If I am not the exception from a typical human, I see that this world of capitalism is on a downwards slope. While the new Brahmins are busy drawing out the future maps of the world, they are hopeful that their enslaved people will do the innovation for them. Momentarily, it looks as if they are right but the new Brahman’s road map will lead to demise of the prosperous society that we know of. You have to go no further than Nepal to know about it. The children of the builders of Lumbini, Pashupatinath, and Swoyambhunath of millennia ago or of the architects of Durbar squares of Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Patan were busy peeing besides the same temples when I arrived in Kathmandu as a young lad – thanks to Brahmanism. The work of old and new Brahmins may look different in the forms but are the same in the essence.

Despite compared by me with the evil, the inheritance in a western economy, however, works differently than in Nepal. In the west, inheritance is a privilege and not an inherent right. A person is not required to pass wealth to his or her children. Consequently, we see young people being prepared to stand on their own two feet. And most do prosper and so does the overall economy. When children get to inherit the wealth, it is heavily taxed. But at the same time, these societies are welfare societies. If I die today in an accident, my children will be looked after by the society well into their adulthood. These societies deserve the right to tax the inheritance because they provide social security to all citizens in times of difficulties. However, in Nepal, if the bread earner of a home dies, the rest of the family turns beggar if there was no inherited wealth to depend on. Therefore, inheritance is the only form of social security available in Nepal.

The wisdom to be drawn from this is that social security is a prerequisite when curing the injustices perpetrated by inheritance. Being able to remove the primal fear of destitution from a human is very important in the endeavor of freeing humans from all forms of bondage. Social security is one of those tools for removing that terrible fear that kills our adventurous and innovative spirits. However, I am not a blind admirer of western system of social justice either. Their approach is heading in the wrong direction. The achievement made by the “rule of law” has blinded them so much so that every time there is a new problem in the society, they go to the book of law and write an extra line to cure it. Over time they have made the rules so complex and obfuscated that no ordinary human can interpret them. Even as simple as an income tax rule is so complicated in North America that an ordinary mortal does not dare fill tax form on his own. As they add more complexities, they create even more numerous loopholes. Clever people abuse the loopholes while the innocents get punished and frustrated. They are so over dependent on accountants and lawyers for the country to function that it is beyond a matter of laugh. The wisdom to be drawn from the experiences of the west is that we must make the rules as simple as possible if we have to make a society where people actually enjoy life as opposed to enjoying the consumption of material while living frustrated and unhappy. When new problems emerge, we should look at the heart of the issue and the law in general rather than doing a patchwork!

In summary, inheritance is the most dominant factor in making us the way we are. The feudal practice of inheritance is also a tool for passing the poverty, wealth, dejection, and dignity from one generation to another. However, in a society where an individual has to fend for him or herself, it serves a purpose of a social security and its positive role cannot be dismissed. Therefore, retaining ethical virtues of inheritance and getting rid of qualities that give rise to stratification of society is paramount to building an equitable and just society of the 21st century. The object of inheritance should be to optimize the gain for the society in general. I would love to see that the societies of the future permit inheritance at such a low dose that a person can gain a head start a notch better than an average citizen in terms of wealth if they used the inheritance properly. If the gain to the inheritor is greater than the loss to society in terms of equity, justice, and collective prosperity, then such inheritance should be considered as worth retaining. A mild dose of inheritance should not be taxed and all excess inheritance should be heavily taxed. But if a society has an ambition to be innovative and smartly working, it must have provision for social security and welfare to ensure that innovative people can dare to take a chance on something novel. Society must ensure that the undertakings of new ventures and risks can not only be possible to the children of the wealthy but also to anyone with the ideas and the fortitude.

(Dr Pramod Dhakal is a former faculty member of Tribhuvan University and holds a Ph D in electrical engineering. He is Executive Director of Canada Forum for Nepal (cffn.ca) and lives in Canada. He can be reached at pdhakal@gmail.com)

October 9, 2008

अब नयाँ नेपालको संरचनामा दलित अधिकार बिषयलाई लिएर सबै राजनैतिक पार्टीका दलित भातृसंगठन, दलित नागरिक समाज, दलित गैससस महासंघ, दलित सामाजिक संस्थाहरु तथा सबै बिचारशिल दलित बुद्धिजीबिहरु र जनसाधारणहरुले आफनो सम्पूर्ण क्रियाकलाप दलित मुक्तिको दिशामा बौछार गर्नै पर्छ।

-एम.एल. नेपाली

देश एक युगबाट अर्को युगमा रुपान्तरण हुदैछ। भौतिकरुपले शामन्ती निरकँुश राजतन्त्रको अन्त्य भयो। तर बर्बर बिभत्स अन्यायका क्रुरर दिनहरु बोकेको सबै अन्यायपूर्ण आदत्तका सत्ताहरुलाई समुलनष्ट गर्नु बाकी छ। हामीले उत्पीडनका सबै स्वरुपहरुको अन्त्य गर्न अब बन्ने नयाँ संबिधानमा समाजमा दबिएर, चुसिएर, हेपिएर बसेका दलित,जाति,जनजाति, मधेशी, महिला, दूर्गमक्षेत्रका प्रतिनिधिहरु सबै समानरुपमा सहभागि हुनु पर्छ। त्यो महान रुपान्तरणका अग्रगामी सवालहरुलाई पुरा गर्न सबै सामाजिक राजनैतिक शक्ति बिच सहमति, सहकार्य सहघुलन कायम गरेर देशलाई अघि बढाउनु पर्ने हुन्छ। तर बर्तमान मिलिजुली सरकारमा कुनै पनि पार्टीले कुनै पनि दलितलाई मन्त्रीम48डलमा सामेल गरेन। आउनुस पार्टीहरुले दलित प्रति यस्तो ब्यबहार किन गर्‍यो छलफल गरौ।

देश शामन्ती जातिय छूवाछूतको अहंकारबादकोे दर्शनले जकडिएको छ। यसले जन्मलाई ठूलो ठान्छ कर्मलाई ठूलो ठान्दैन। यहि आधारमा सताब्दीऔ देखि अहिले सम्म तथाकथित उच्चजात भनिनेहरुका ब्यक्तिहरुलाई राज्यले नै ज्ञान शिक्षा, चेतना सत्ता र सम्पतिको सहज उपभोग गर्न पाउने अधिकार उपलब्ध गराउदै आएको छ। तर दलितलाई यि सबै कुराबाट सधै नै बंञ्चित गर्दै आएको छ। नेपाली सत्तारुढ बर्गले सजाति तथा आफनो सामाजिक आर्थिक सम्बन्ध संग एकाकार हुने त्यहि बर्ग चरित्रको बौद्धिक, साँस्कृतिक समुहलाई आफनो सत्तामा घुलन गराउदै आएको छ। त्यसैको निरन्तरता अहिलेको सरकारले पनि दलितलाई सत्ता प्रबेसमा अछूत नै बनाएर गैरदलित (डोमिनेन्ट कास्ट) को सरकार बनाएको छ।

हाल यो मन्त्री मडलको चयनमा दलितलाई पूर्ण तिरस्कार गर्नुले प्रमाणित गर्छ। नयाँ राज्य सत्ताले पनि फेरि त्यहि पुरानो शामन्ती सत्ताले गरेको जस्तो सत्ताको खालि ठाउ (पावर भ्याकुम ) उनै उच्चजात र उच्च बर्गबाट पुरा गरिएको छ। राज्यको शक्ति संरचनामा दलितलाई बहिस्कार (ब्ल्याक आउट) गरिएको छ। सत्तारुढबर्गले दलितलाई सत्तामा सहभागि गराउने सवालमा बिभिन्न बाहना बाजीमा आफैले बाटो छेकदै, अबरोध खडागर्दै पुन आफनै बर्ग मिल्दो र जाति मिल्दो उच्चजातलाई सत्ता हस्तान्तरणको उर्बर भूमि तयार गर्दै लगेको छ।

अहिले सत्तारुढ पार्टीले उच्च अग्रगमनको सोच बोकेको नयाँ समाबेसी सरकार बनाएको भनेता पनि तर यो त्यही उच्चजात र उच्च बर्ग (डोमिनेन्ट कास्ट) को मात्र सरकार हो। तल्लो जातको दलित (इम्प्योर) असक्षम भनेर हेला गरि फेरि दलितलाई सत्ताको ढोका बाहिर सत्तारुढबर्गले राखेको छ। १० बर्षका आमरुपान्तरणका आधिमय दिनहरुमा जेलतोडने, पर्खाल फोडने, बमगोला र बारुद संग खेल्ने सहजसंग क्रान्तिका लागि बलिदानको कोटा बुझाने हजारौ दलितहरु अहिले सत्तामा आफनो भाग खोज्दा दलितहरु फेरि अछूत बनाईए छन। नयाँ सत्ता प्राप्तीका युद्धमा बिचार र रगतसंग साटिएका मनोभाब र समान बर्ग चेतनाहरु सत्ता स्वार्थमा भक्तिएका छन। सत्ता प्राप्ती र राजनैतिक शक्तिको एकाधिकारको चमत्कार एक अजीब चीज रहेछ कि क्या हो , क्रान्तिका समकक्षीहरु पनि अहिले बाहिरीनु परेको छ।

हामी चकित छौ क्रान्तिकारीधार बोकेको माओबादीको नेतृत्वमा सञ्चालित सरकारले पुरानो शामन्ती दलित बिरोधी प्रबृतिलाई तोडन सकेन हालाँकी उसले भौतिक प्रतिनिधित्वमात्र प्रमुख होईन भन्ने तर्कहरु दिने गरकेा छ। यो बास्तवमा दलितहरु सत्तामा पुग्ने आसामा हाम्रो लागि ठूलो धोका हो। माओबादी आफैले बिगत लामो समय देखि भन्दै आएको नारा धकका, श्रपान्तरण र क्रमभङ्गता दलितलाई सत्तामा सहभागि गराउने सवालमा अन्यायको क्रमभङ्गता तोडन चाहेन।

क्रान्तियोद्धा पुस्पकमल दाहाल प्रचड आफै प्रधानमन्त्री भएको बेला युद्धको आधिबेहरी दलितको रणकौसल र बलिदानलाई नजिकबाट देखेर पनि दलितको भौतिक प्रतिनिधित्व के चाहियो र? त्यो कुनै गैरदलितको ब्यक्तिले बिचारको कार्यनीतिको प्रतिनिधित्व गरि हाल्छनी भनेर होला उहाँले आफनो पार्टीबाट एक जना दलितलाई पनि यो मत्रीमडलमा स्थान दिन आबश्यक देख्नु भएन।

यो सहि हो सत्तामा ब्यक्तिको भौतिक प्रतिनिधित्व मात्र निर्णायक होइन तर ईतिहासमा ब्यक्तित्वको भूमिकाले समाजको रुपान्तरणको आबश्यतालाई डोर्‍याएको हुन्छ। हामी हिजोको निरंकुशता बिरुद्ध युद्धका रणभूमिमा लडेका दलित नेता र जनसंगठकहरुका भूमिकालाई नकार्न सक्दैनौ। हामीले यि दलित योद्धाहरुको भूमिकालाई उच्च मूल्याँकन गर्नै पर्छ। तर हामी बुझछौ समग्रमा अशं हुन्छ, अशं अशं मिलेर समग्र बन्छ। अशं एउटा ब्यक्तित्वले आफनो ईच्छाको भरमा मात्र इतिहासको बस्तुगत गतिलाई बदल्न सक्दैन। तर बीरताको न्यायपूर्ण ईतिहास ती बहादुर ब्यक्तिहरुको क्रियाकलाप द्धारा नै निर्मित हुन्छ जस्ले ू अवश्यमेघू कार्यकर्ताको प्रतिनिधित्व गर्छन। जतिबेला देशको लागि दलितको बलिदान,क्षमता र चरित्रको खाचो थियो, त्यो दलितले देशभक्ति पूर्ण भाबले पुरा गरे। तर अहिले राज्यमा दलितको समाबेसको आबश्यता भएन त्यसकारण सत्तारुढबर्गले बिकासको ईतिहासको पाङग्रालाई पछाडी धकेल्ने काम गरे।

हाम्रो समाजको परिबेस बिश्लेष्ण गर्दा थाह लाग्छ दलित ऐतिहासिक सर्बहारा र क्रान्तिधर्मी बर्ग हो। दलितहरुले १० बर्षको महान जनयुद्ध र १९ दिने महान जनबिद्रोहमा बिचार र बन्दुकलाई साथै लिएर दुश्मणले जहाँ टेक्छन त्यही बिस्फोटित भएर करीब १७०३ दलित योद्धाहरुले देशको लागि सहादतको ईतिहास रचेका थिए। तर ती सहादतको ईतिहासमा क्रान्तिको महानायक बन्न सकेनन दलितहरु। यहि नै दूर्भाग्य थियो हामी दलितहरुको लागि।

अब दलितले चाल्ने कदम के हुनु पर्छत त्यस बिषयमा हामीले सोच्नु जरुरी छ। यो अबस्थामा दलितहरुले मौनताको सँस्कार तोडनु पर्छ। दलितहरुले साँझा एकिकृत शाहसिक आन्दोलन गरेर सत्तामा आफनो पहुच पुर्‍याउनु पर्छ। बिबिध बिचार, फरक राजनैतिक पार्टीधार र बहुबर्गमा बिभाजित दलितलाई एक कित्तामा ल्याएर अघि बढने साझा बिन्दु भनेकोे छूवाछूतको पिडा, अपमान र तिरस्कार हो। हामीले भोगि रहेका छौ कुनै तीन तले महलमा बस्ने दलितलाई कसैले यो दलित अछूत, डुमको घर हो भन्दा उसले अपमानित महसुस गर्छ भने ओसेप लागेको भित्तामा जीवन गुजारिरहेको दलितहरुको अपमानका असख्य कहानीहरु छन।

दलित भित्र पनि फरक बर्ग भएकोले पीडाको मात्रामा फरक छ तर अपमान, पीडा, उत्पीडन एउटै हो। यसकारण हामी दलितहरु राजनीति, बिचार र बर्गले जहाँ जस्तो अबस्थामा रहे पनि छूवाछूतको साझा समस्या बिरुद्ध मौलिकता भब्यता र भिषणताका साथ एकै चोटी बिस्फोटित हुनै पर्छ। हामीले देख्यौ सरकार बदल्दैमा ब्यबस्था परिबर्तन हुदैमा जातपात छूवाछूत जांदो रहेनछ। पूर्ण समाजलाई बदल्दै दलितहरुलाई राज्य सत्तामा सहभागि नगराई जातपात छूवाछूत अन्त्य हुदैन। किनकि सबै कुराको फैसला शक्तिले गर्छ शक्ति भनेको सत्ता हो सत्ता भन्दा अरु चिज भ्रम हो। त्यसकारण दलितहरु सत्तामा सहभागि हुनै पर्छ। दलितहरु सत्तामा नपुगि जातपात छूवाछूत अन्त्यको कल्पणा नगरे हुन्छ।

त्यसको लागि हामी सबै दलित आन्दोलकहरुले साझा कार्यनीति बनाउन जरुरी छ। अब हामीले छूवाछूत अन्त्य गर्न साँस्कृतिक क्रान्ति र पूर्णयुद्ध (टोटल वार) को थालनी गर्नु पर्छ। यसको साथै प्रतिकृयाबादीलाई छूवाछूत अन्त्य गर्ने या यहाँबाट बिस्थापित हुने भन्ने नीतिको प्रत्याक्रमणको कार्यदिशाबाट अघि बढनु पर्छ। सबै शामन्ती आर्थिक पद्धतीलाई नष्ट गर्ने केन्द्रीय आर्थिक कार्यक्रम बनाउनु पर्छ। सत्ताको श्रोतसाधनमा दलितको समान हकको लागि बाँडफाँडमा वार्गेनिङ्ग सुरु गर्नु पर्छ। शिक्षामा दलित लागि सबै तहमा निशुल्क माग राखेर संघर्ष सुरु गर्नुपर्छ। निजामति सेवा, जंगी तथा राज्यका सबै अङ्गहरुमा दलितहरुलाई आरक्षण र बिशेष अधिकार कायम गर्न राज्यसंग संघर्ष सुरु गर्नु पर्छ। अब बन्ने नयाँ संधिानमा दलितको सत्तामा पूर्ण अधिकारको सुरक्षा गर्न दलित एजे48डाको निमार्ण गरि बैकल्पीक सबिधान तयार गर्नु पर्छ। अब नयाँ नेपालको संरचनामा दलित अधिकार बिषयलाई लिएर सबै राजनैतिक पार्टीका दलित भातृसंगठन, दलित नागरिक समाज, दलित गैससस महासंघ, दलित सामाजिक संस्थाहरु तथा सबै बिचारशिल दलित बुद्धिजीबिहरु र जनसाधारणहरुले आफनो सम्पूर्ण क्रियाकलाप दलित मुक्तिको दिशामा बौछार गर्नै पर्छ। आफनो तथाकथित घिसेपिटेको शक्ति, नाम, पद पैसा, प्रतिष्ठाको अहँमतालाई त्यागेर दलितको छूवाछूतबाट मुक्ति या मृत्युको कसम खाएर महान एकिकृत दलित संघर्षमा जुटन जरुरीछ नत्र हामी अझ सताब्दीयौ पछाडी पर्नेछौ।

Gopi Krishna Kafle’s lines from a collection of his poems, “Bato Pharak Parechha”: