Foundations for the future Strategies of the Constitution Making Process from Dalit Rights Perspective

- Tek Tamrakar
Human Rights Advocate

The author outlines some of the foundations for the future strategies of the constitution making process from dalit rights perspective

• Drawing attention of the concerned authorities: With regard to incorporating the Dalits rights in the new constitution, fostering adequate knowledge among the CA members and the members of the other committees is not enough but the public pressure
should be consistently created.

• Providing materials and publications to the CA members especially dalit
members about dalit’s agendas and issues.

• Make available the information about the rights of Dalits to the Dalits rights workers and communities by stressing upon the production and dissemination of the publication, interaction and structures materials with regard to the public awareness development.

• Awareness on the matters related to the Constitution making and process: Summing up all, the Dalit community needs be aware of the complete
process of constitution making. The objective whatever cannot be achieved just by facilitating knowledge of the Dalits rights. Nonetheless,
what all is needed at this hour of the time is to avail them with the knowledge about the constitution making process and to appropriately
initiate for their participation in the process.

Download the the fulltext of the article:
Foundations for the future Strategies of the Constitution Making Process from Dalit Rights Perspective

RELATED ARTICLE (In Nepali):
संविधान निर्माणको प्रक्रिया र दलित अधिकारका लागि भावी रणनीतिका आधारहरू - टेक ताम्राकार, मानव अधिकारकर्मी अधिवक्ता

Core of Dalit’s problems

- Uday Pariyar
ud.pariyar@gmail.com

Just before the CA elections a local transport operator on a rural road hired a boy of 14 to work as a helper or Khalasi. He and the driver used to be fed at the house of the jeep owner. As he belonged to a Sarki family he had to eat outside and do his dishes. He also had to ‘purify’ the space he occupied in front of the house by scrubbing the ground with cow-dung. He was often shouted at by the owner’s wife as an ‘untouchable.’ The driver, a higher caste man, did not have to endure any of this. Soon the boy could take it no more and left the job. Interestingly, all these happened at a house right in front of the local YCL office.

This incident from Gorkha district, Chorkate VDC (from where Baburam Bhattarai won the CA elections with largest margin) explains the fact that not much has changed for Dalits, despite all the political changes. This is just one example of the pain and suffering of the lower caste. Everyday they are looked down upon, dominated and humiliated. Still there are many landlords even in Kathmandu who are reluctant to give their rooms on hire to Dalits. The medieval feudal practice continues in Loktantra and it is unlikely to go away in the proposed Republic and the Maoist’s regime as well.

What is most worrying is that there is still no sensitivity towards this critical issue. It is still not prioritised by the major parties, including the Maoists. Following his party’s election victory, Prachanda promised ‘economic miracle.’ The former rebels have also claimed to bring about many other changes in their imminent regime. But we have not yet heard any senior Maoists claiming to work seriously to put an end to the illegal practice of untouchability.

Even more worrying is the fact that the Dalit activists and leaders themselves are also not concentrating on the main issue of Dalits - untouchability. They always appear to be after quotas and special rights and positive discrimination. What they are not demanding is that the undeclared state terror (in the form of untouchability) should be abolished.

Of course, nobody has the magic wand to put a full stop to the practice at once. But the state can and should start taking the issue seriously and make it a priority. People wish to see some progress in the right direction not just in economic area but also in social, cultural, political, linguistic and other areas. They want to see some tangible changes to their day to day lives.

What the five million so-called low caste citizens crave to see is the progress towards putting an end to their humiliation and suffering. This is the core of Dalit’s problems. Token inclusion is no different from exclusion.

There were many other bad practices in Nepal, some of which have disappeared because the state took them seriously. For instance, there is no longer the problem of Sati here. The state not only outlawed it but also enforced the law rigidly. However, the evil practice of untouchability continued because none of the past regimes made a slightest attempt to tackle the problem.

Some of the democratic governments declared the practice as illegal but their declaration was limited to the pages of the constitution or law. The rulers themselves did not give up caste discrimination. The nature of state remained unaltered in terms of Dalit’s ascribed positions. In other words the rulers of this country always supported and promoted the practice instead of discouraging it. That is why even now police refuses to register the cases of Dalits in many places.

Still many party leaders, activists and others wrongly claim that evolution alone will do the trick. The practice will automatically come to an end when the older generation is displaced. This is a long-held belief which has proven completely wrong over the past centuries and decades. If this hypothesis was correct, the practice of untouchability should have been wiped out in most parts of the country by now.

Dalit’s social position, irrespective of their economic position, is basically the same now as three decades ago. So it should now be clear that evolutionary social change will not automatically delete untouchability. It is now time to do justice to the traditionally dominated and suppressed masses. Besides sorting out the political agreements, it is time to start concentrating on social changes.

Political changes do not last long unless cemented with social and economic changes. What is needed is a genuine political will to do away with the practice of caste discrimination. All that Dalits are demanding is their self-respect and dignity. They want their looted civic and human rights back. The new rulers should begin from the basics instead of aiming for the hypothetical miracles.

Also published in “NewFront” in Nepal.

HOW TO DO JUSTICE TO DALITS IN NEW CONSTITUTION
A working paper presented in an international conference on “Towards a New Constitution in Nepal”

An international conference was organized in Dhulikhel Kavre by Nepal Centre for Contemporary Study (NCCS), SPDS of India, Adeanuer Konard Stiftung Germnay where Hira Vishwakarma presented a paper on the topic above.

In this paper the author has used the poetic expression of Dr. Ramesh Sunar as background and some facts figure about Dalit situation and philosophical base of John Rawls and Robert Nozik to define jusice in the context of Dalits and to what extent they have been given justice and what should be done in the next constitution.

In this paper, Hira Vishwakarma makes the following conclusion,

“While coming upto this stage of making new constitution for Nepal through constituent assembly the representation of Dalits have increased a mark level high of 8.71% with the representation of 50 parliamentarians. However, it still falls short by more than 4% as promised by the interim constitution of proportionate representation. For the second time in the history of any Dalit lawmaker elected in direct election, 7 Dalits have been elected which we consider an exception, as we could not have thought of in the normal situation of past regular elections. Through these elected and proportionately represented CA members we can expect to have better representation from issue point of view. However, if we see the performance of the 18 parliamentarians in the interim parliament then there is no reason to be satisfied. If same situation continues in the forthcoming CA then Dalits will not get justice. For that there is a need to put pressure on government and CA members in one hand in other they need to take up seriously the suggestions put forth in this document. Many of us present here know that the most powerful democracy of the world the US lags behind than Nepal in ratifying many international human rights and other conventions. Likewise, as a country Nepal seems to be very generous to formulate policies and plans as I myself had the opportunity of drafting interim plan (2007-2010) and if that plan would be implemented honestly I would not have much grievances, but I know even 25% of that plan and policies will not be implemented. If it is so then what will be the point if we will come up with a very good constitution for Dalits and not implemented. Again Dalits will be deprived of justice. Therefore, there is a need of having a very good constitution and a firm commitment to implement it with an appropriate policies and structure in place. Only then there will be justice to Dalits of Nepal. ”

The fulltext of the paper can be downloaded here >>>
HOW TO DO JUSTICE TO DALITS IN NEW CONSTITUTION

- Suresh Singh

In Nepal, if anyone wants to end caste discrimination and untouchability then he or she needs to work towards achieving the goal of making intercaste marriages as a widely acceptable norm. Only the laws made by state will not change the society.

I see the role of Maoists here in changing the society; it is the time now for them to act. They have an active YCL, let the YCL that is comprised of youth organize mass intercaste marriages in rural areas. It is going to have enormous impact, because the majority of Nepali people live in villages, the urban population being only 16 percent. I think YCL can do it because parents will give their daughters and allow their sons to go for intercaste marriage due to some fear cutting another fear just as ‘a diamond cuts diamonds’. In Nepal, young boys and girls involve in lot of love relationships but they do not marry due to fear of parents and society; once they get a support of a force like YCL then they could freely marry their lovers without fear of their parents.

Here is one example- about one year ago, in a village in Syangja, a Sunar boy married a Magar girl. Just after few days of their marriage, the parents and relatives of that girl came to take the girl with them. They offered some money to the boy’s family if they gave the girl back to them. All the non-dalits of the village united against the Sunars. They threatened to punish the Sunars for daring to make a Magar girl their daughter-in- law. However, the Sunars were saved by the intervention of Maoists, who said that since the boy and girl have married due to love people should allow them to live together. Late on, the Sunars went to police station and made a paper in presence of the girl’s father that none should harm the Sunar boy. I have heard that the girl’s family due to shame migrated to other area because the non dalits were making fun of the girl’s parents as their daughter has married a Sunar.

One or two cases of intercaste marriages will not change the society- only if majority of people opt for intercaste marriages then only society will change. Caste system is perpetuated and functions through the marriage system. If today a Bahun, Chhetri or a Magar or Limbu allow his daughter to marry a Dalit, and accepts a dalit girl as his daughter-in-law then naturally untouchability will vanish along with caste system.

ANATOMY OF DISCRIMINATION

− RKS

I have always wondered why the social status of so-called lower caste people of Nepal have been the way they have been. Brahmins/Chettries have been dominating and discriminating more than 30% of population of Nepal for millennia. Their well planned and well executed system of keeping lower castes away from Nepal’s cultural, religious, social, government, educational, national and international institution and opportunities has been working magnificently for thousands of years. If we were to compare the discriminatory practices in other cultures or countries with that of the Brahmins/Chettries of Nepal, then it would not be hard to realize that Brahmins/Chettries of Nepal have truly set the standards high in the world of discriminatory practice. They have done it so artfully and masterfully that the one who is being discriminated does not even realize that he or she is being discriminated. Brahmins/Chettries have perfected the science of discrimination and hence, in my mind, qualify for a membership in that exclusive club called axis-of-evil doers of this world. In fact, they should be awarded the chairmanship. So, with this impressive resume of Brahmins/Chettries in my mind, I wanted to explore the secret behind such a staggering success. Trust me folks, it is quiet an educational experience.

Science of Discrimination – According to Brahmins/Chettries

Beginners Level - Religion

Brahmins/Chettries know it very well that to discriminate a community first thing they have to do is to deprive or discriminate a community from practicing the religion they believe in PROPERLY. I want to stress the word properly here. By properly, I mean customization of a religion for a community or a caste. By customization of religion I mean changing or twisting the facts of the religion. A good example of this is the representation of the Hindu male god Brahma. Often times, Brahma is picturized as a god giving birth to the four castes of Hindu religion from different parts of his body. Cleverly, Brahmins are rising from Brahma’s mouth/head, Chettries from his hands, Vaishya are coming out of his thighs and then Shudra, the lowest caste, is coming out his feet. What is the message of such picturization? Since Brahmins are coming out of Lord Brahma’s mouth/head, they must be dear to him and the most intellectual ones - worthy of the highest position in the strata of caste system as head is the highest position in the human anatomy. Similarly, since Chettries are coming out of Brahmas’ hands signifying them to be fighters. So, they must be stronger kinds and deserving of the position of respectable warriors of Hindu religion. Vaishyas are coming out of Brahma’s thigh, slightly lower than Chettries yet respectable in the totem pool. So, let’s give them the status of business class. Someone’s got to do the business in the society. However, since Shudras are coming out of lord Brahma feet, they must be the lowest of all, not worthy of any respect, and god must not like them. Hence, they should remain under the society’s feet, a pariah. Wait, why not we just declare them untouchables because this was possibly Brahmas’ desire too. After all, they came out of the lord feet. How pitiful. The Brahmins/Chetteries have so successfully fabricated this picture in people’s mind that even today’s educated bunch really believe it.

A second such example is the idea of reincarnation. Hindu religion has this concept of the cycle of birth and rebirth. The only way to free oneself from this cycle is through your good karma and that your fortune in this life is determined by your karma in your previous life. Although, the intention of this belief system is to motivate people to be a good citizen and practice good karma in this lifetime, however, the clever Brahmins twisted this teaching and blamed the lower caste status to their karma in their previous birth. Such belief system is so deep rooted that people, regardless of what caste, really believe and practice it. Brahmins believe that they have the highest status in the society because of their good karma in their previous life and the lower castes believe that their lowest status must be the result of bad karma in their previous life. This belief system is now part of their DNA make-up. It is the fabric of life in Nepal. Both discriminator and discriminated have accepted their position in the society and practice such belief system however heinous it may be. Is that masterful or what? So, if you want to start the business of discrimination - twist the facts of a religion. It will work.

Intermediate Level - Education

Brahmins and Chettries also know that the best way to keep the industry of discrimination vibrant and expanding is by monopolizing the education sector of the society. Education is nothing but a powerful tool for self-realizing ones’ position in this world or self realizing oneself. When one realizes one’s position in this world then that person has only two choices, that is, either to accept or not to accept that position. Educated mind have the cognitive ability to make a right decision. So, by depriving education to the so called lower caste people of Nepal, Brahmins/Chettries have essentially arrested their cognitive development also. The so-called lower castes people of Nepal are simply unable to make right decision in their life. This resulted in their entrapment in a viscous cycle of continually making wrong decisions and expecting different results – a true definition of insanity. Thanks to the masterfully executed plan of Brahmins. Their policy of depriving education to the so-called lower caste people of Nepal have practically drove them insane for centuries. As a result, so-called lower caste people have accepted their position in the society. Take home message: if you want to severely disadvantage somebody for rest his or her life time or generation, just arrest their cognitive development. This way you prevent them from making right decision in life. And, how do you that? Simple, deprive them education. Trust me, it works. It is working for millennia. WOW! Is that a well thought out plan or what?

Brahmins/Chettries also know that in order to implement discriminatory practices effectively in a society the identity of the discriminated has to be recognizable. If they do not have a right system of recognition in place, they can mistakenly discriminate each other, among themselves. After all, the race of all these sub-groups of people within the Hindu system is the same – Indo-Aryan. So, they masterfully worked out a system of taking away the true identity of the so-called lower caste people. So, the first thing they did was prevent so-called lower caste from using their true identity, which actually is similar to Brahmins/Chettries, and forced them to use names indicating their profession, status in the society or their birth. This way they can recognize the new identity of the discriminated one. This has been going on for so long that it is in the second nature for a Brahmins/Chettries to recognize the discriminated one not by his true identity but by his birth or profession. This practice of identity recognition is also at the heart of preventing inter-caste of marriages which has the ultimate goal of deepening the differences among people.

The third level of discrimination has to do with the factor of extending respect through Nepali language. Nepali language is a highly developed language. It has different level of formal and informal ways of speech. So, when you talk to your elders, the language has basic rule which allows one to respect the elders through usage of certain words or phrases. It also has rules how to speak to someone younger or equal - which is very informal and can also come across disrespectful too. So, Brahmins/Chettries have developed this sophisticated rule of how to speak to a person of lower caste. First thing they decided to do is to reserve the language of disrespect exclusively for the people of lower caste regardless of what the age difference may be. In other words, if a Brahmins/Chettries is addressing a person of so-called lower caste, he must address that person disrespectfully even if Brahmin or Chettry is younger to the person of lower caste. On the same token, the lower caste person must address or talk to a Brahmins/Chettries with respect or use respectful language even if that Brahmin/Chettry is younger to the person of lower caste, at all times. Complicated, but trust me, a very effective method. Take home message: use language as a tool to implement discrimination.

Advanced Level – Divide and rule

If you think that the policy of divide and rule was first coined by British. Then think twice. It was first developed and perfected thousands of years ago by none other than Brahmins/Chettries. They knew that in order to implement all of the above mentioned rules of discrimination effectively, you must divide a community.

Brahmins knew that unification has strength and is anti-discrimination. They do not like unity, hence the sorry state of current Nepal also. So, what they strategized to further stratify the lower caste community. They created an internal sub-class within lower caste community. This sub-class basically practiced the similar rules and regulation of the four castes of the Hindu religion. That is, just like Brahmins/Chettries being the highest of all, certain sub-caste within lower caste acquired the higher status then the others and practiced untouchability within themselves. This way within the lower caste community there are certain castes who believe they are superior to the others. They behave and act the same way as Brahmins/Chettries would behave or act toward a lower caste person. This kind of practice guaranteed the division of the lower caste community and hence guaranteed the hegemony of Brahmins/Chettries over the lower caste for thousands of years to come. How clever?

Wait, this is not where it ends when it comes to divide and rule policy of Brahmins/Chettries. The best of the best weapons they used to maintain their supremacy is infiltration. Yes, infiltration. How do you do this? Simply put, just take few slightly well to-do members of lower castes community under your wings and give them the impression that they are like one of them. Just an impression only. When you give such an impression to a lifelong discriminated one, it leaves an indelible mark on the psyche of that person. All of a sudden that person starts to consider himself/herself higher caste similar to Brahmins/Chetteries and completely forgets his past and community. In this process of false pretense, that person simply acquires a status of mole for the higher caste. This mole is the most important and dangerous weapon for discriminators because they can do the most effective damage to their own community than the discriminators themselves. Be aware that these moles through their personality are able to mesmerize their own community and maintain a certain sway over them. Such traits of these people have continued to play a vital role in maintaining the status quo. They are sometime referred to as elites. These people have helped maintain the machinery of discrimination working for Brahmins/Chettries and have caused serious damage to the struggles of the so called dalits for a long time.

Such is the art and cleverness of Brahmin/Chettries. This is a short version the science of anatomy behind discrimination according to Brahmins/Chettries.

[Posted at nepaldalitinfo@yahoogroups.com on Tuesday 6 May 2008]

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I AM PISSED OFF AND I AM NOT GOING TO TAKE IT ANYMORE

- RKS

Yes, I am pissed off, and I am not going to take it anymore. You [suckers]! I want to fight you. My forefathers from centuries have given up their lives, shed their blood, fought your wars, contributed to your economy, worked in your lands for meager food and made you rich. You, your children and pedigrees have flourished and thrived on my and my forefathers’ sweat and blood.

You have deprived us to practice my own religion freely. You have poured hot boiling oil in ears of my forefathers if they happen to hear the sacred verses of my own religion. You forbid us to enter the very temple that my forefathers helped built. You have twisted facts of my own religion to discriminate us.

You don’t want us to touch you because it will defile your body. You have made us walk a different path in my own villages so that my shadow does not touch your body. You prevent us from entering your house yet the very houses you live in were and are built my own hands. You do not want to sit or eat with us yet the very food you cook and the pot you cook your food and eat are produced by my hands and my labor. You don’t want to collect our milk for processing/pasteuri zation because the cows belong to us. You [monostrous] soul, I am going to see you in the battlefield and crush your ego.

You make us wash the dishes that we used to eat the food that we bought from your restaurants. If we refused to wash our dishes in your restaurants, you come in masses to beat us or kill us. Oh, yes, I am angry. I am ready to fight you, Now!

You have taken away our identity. You have forced us to put a label on our name so that you can recognize us and prevent us from progressing in the society.

You have forced us to live in the outskirts of a neighborhood. You redirect drinking waters of our villages to your villages and we have to walk miles to get drinking water for our families. We accepted our position in the society to appease you. But we are not going to take this any more.

You have deprived my fore-fathers from education and you are continuing to do so. When my forefathers did make it to schools you did not let them enter the school premise or kept them separated from the other students. You have developed a very well planned system how to keep us away from education in the modern era also. You don’t let our young students rent your houses because it will defile your houses. We have to lie about our identity to find housing for our young students. When you find out about our background you beat or kill our young students and throw them out of your houses in the streets. If we do happen to succeed you plot to eliminate or kill us.

You have also developed a well oiled system to keep us deprived from national and international opportunities. You all are corrupt and have created a corrupt government to rape my country for its natural resources, depriving us from such resources only to benefit you. You have raped our women and children. You rapist beings, I want to fight a war with you. If I die doing this, I will consider myself lucky and find my way to the heavens.

OH, YES I AM VERY ANGRY!

[Posted at nepaldalitinfo@yahoogroups.com on Sunday 20 April May 2008]

- गोविन्द परियार

दलितहरूलाई राज्यका सबै निकायमा २० प्रतिशत विषेशाधिकारको व्यवस्था गराउने नारा बोकेर माओवादीका तर्फाट चुनावी मैदानमा गएकामध्ये ७ जना दलित विजयी भएका छन् । निर्वाचनको परिणामले शताब्दीयौंदेखि राज्यबाट बहिष्कृत दलित समुदायले राज्यसंयन्त्रमा सहभागिताको संवैधानीक व्यवस्था गराउने महत्त्वपर्ूण्ा निकायमा उनीहरूको भौतिक उपस्थिति गराएको छ ।

यो दलित अधिकारको लडाइ“मा विजयको सुरुवात हो । संविधान निर्माण गर्ने राजनीतिक सम्भ्रान्तलगायत प्रभुत्वमा रहेका धेरै समूहका सदस्य आरक्षणले नेपालमा हिंसा, अक्षमता तथा यस्तै अश कुरालाई पर््रवर्द्धन गर्ने भएका कारण यसलाई अवलम्बन गर्न हु“दैन भन्ने तर्क गर्छन् तर पनि नेपालमा अनौपचारिक रूपमा आरक्षणको नीति छ । आरक्षण नीतिको अर्थ खास समूहहरूलाई पर्ूण्ा प्रयोगका लागि खास सिट वा ओहदाको आरक्षण गर्नु हो भने नेपालमा आरक्षण कायमै छ ।

मुलुकका प्रभावशाली ओहदामा दर्ुइ शताब्दीभन्दा बढीदेखि सम्भ्रान्त पहाडे उच्च जातिका हिन्दु पुरुषको प्रभुत्व छ । नेपाल मानव विकास प्रतिवेदन १९९८ अनुसार १८५४ देखि उच्च जाति समूह -करिब ३० प्रतिशत) ले निजामती सेवाका माथिल्लो तहका ९२ प्रतिशत स्थान ओगटेका छन् । यो तथ्यले आरक्षण घोषित नभए पनि व्यवहारमा सीमित जातिका लागि ‘अन्यापर्ूण्ा आरक्षण’ कायमै भएको पुष्टि गर्छ । सानो अल्पसंख्याले प्रभावशाली ओहदाका ठूलो असमानुपातिक हिस्सा ओगटिरहेको छ । सिद्धान्त र पहु“च शैक्षिक योग्यतामा भन्दा जन्मका आधारमा कायम गरिएको छ । सुविधासम्पन्न यो समूहमा महिलाको दृष्टिकोणबाट हर्ेदा झनै र्छलङ्ग हुन्छ । मानव विकास प्रतिवेदन १९९८ का अनुसार उच्च तहका ९० प्रतिशतभन्दा बढी स्थान शताब्दीयौंदेखि जनसंख्याको करिब १५ प्रतिशतले ओगटेको छ । र्सार्वजनिक ओहदामा दर्ुइ शताब्दीदेखि एउटा समूहद्वारा प्रभुत्व राखेर विशेष अधिकारै कायम गरिएको छ ।

प्रभुत्वशाली समूहमा रहेको ‘व्यवहारमा आरक्षण’ लाई चुनौती दिन आर्थिक-सामाजिक रूपमा दबाइएका समूहले शिक्षा, सरकारी रोजगारी तथा राजनीतिक पदका साथै निजी क्षेत्रमा न्यायपर्ूण्ा र समानुपातिक आरक्षण माग गरिरहेका छन् । यसको लक्ष्य सामाजिक रूपमा पछाडि पारिएका समूहलाई स्रोत, अवसर तथा अनुकूल संस्था उपलब्ध गराउनु छ । सकारात्मक विभेदको उद्देश्य विगतको दबाउने कार्य र विभेदको क्षतिपर्ूर्ति गर्नुमात्र नभई संस्था तथा नीति निर्माताको अहिलेको पक्षपात र अन्धोपनको प्रभाव कम गर्नु पनि हुन्छ । तर्सथ पर्ूण्ा लोकतान्त्रिक मुलुकले पछाडि परेका समुदायलाई सुधार गर्न प्रभावकारी रणनीति आरक्षणै भएको विश्वका विकसित मुलुक अमेरिका, भारतलगायतको अनुभवले पुष्टि गरिसकेको छ ।

माओवादीबाट ७ जना दलित विजयी भएपछि नेपालमा समावेशीकरणको सुरुवात माथिल्लो निकायबाटै भएको छ । यद्यपि अन्य ठूला दल कांग्रेस, एमाले, मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरमलगायत यो प्रक्रियामा अझै परम्परावादी देखिएका छन् । आरक्षणले समग्रमा राज्यका सबै नीतिनिर्माण र कार्यान्वयनका अंगमा समानुपातिक र समन्यायिक प्रतिनिधित्व गर्नुका साथै राज्यको प्रत्येक स्रोतसाधनमा उनीहरूको पहु“च निर्माणका लागि सहज वातावरणको पनि अपेक्षा गर्छ । तर्सथ आरक्षणलगायतका विशेष व्यवस्था अवलम्बन गरी समावेशी राज्य संयन्त्रको सुरुवात गर्ने दायित्व जनताले दलहरूलाई सुम्पिएका छन् । समावेशी राज्यव्यवस्थाले सहभागिता, प्रतिनिधित्व, स्रोतसाधनमा पहु“च र आत्मगत सबलता प्राप्ति गर्ने हु“दा त्यसका लागि आरक्षण व्यवस्था गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । केवल सारभूत क्षेत्रजस्तो राजनीतिक प्रतिनिधित्व, निजामती सेवा, निजी सेवा, शिक्षा, स्वास्थ, न्यायिक सेवा, निजी क्षेत्रमा मात्र होइन प्रक्रियागत पक्ष जस्तो निर्वाचन प्रणालीमै विशेष व्यवस्था गर्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । नियुक्तिमा मात्र आरक्षण उपयुक्त हुन सक्दैन । बढुवामा पनि त्यस्तो व्यवस्था चाहिन्छ ।

भारतले ५० वर्षघि व्यवस्था गरेको आरक्षणको प्रमुख कमजोरीका रूपमा निजी क्षेत्रप्रति गरिएको व्यवस्थालाई लिने गरिएको छ । त्यसैले नेपालमा आरक्षणको अध्ययन अनुसन्धान

गर्दा भारतीय आरक्षणका कमीकमजोरीलाई सही ढंगबाट विश्लेषण गर्नु आवश्यक हुन्छ ।

अहिले विश्वका अधिकांश मुलुकले अ“गालेको खुला बजारनीति र विश्व नै निजीकरणतर्फअघि बढिरहेको सर्न्दर्भमा नेपालमा सरकारी क्षेत्रमा मात्रै आरक्षणको नीति बन्यो भने यसको प्रभ्ाावकारिता नहुन सक्छ । तर्सथ विश्व परिवेशलाई विश्लेषण गरेर निजी क्षेत्रमा आरक्षणका सवालमा ठोस नीति सरकारले लिनर्ुपर्छ ।

(लेखक पत्रकार हुन्)

Source: eKantipur.com

The following excerpts come from the conclusion of a report by written Purna Nepali about traditional caste-based occupations. The article was appeared in THE ORGANISATION: DEVELOPMENT PRACTIONER’S MAGAZINE, Vol 11, Issue 1, by ODC (Organisation Development Centre).

Traditional artisans are a part of the culture of the Nepalese society. Their expertise is fast disappearing though due to unfavorable environment and only few are still dependant on their craftsmanship for their subsistence. The craftsmen are not in position to compete in the open market. The structure of the Nepalese society, especially caste system and existing power relations are responsible for disappearing of traditional caste based occupations. As Dalits have neither social nor economic power they are trapped in patron-client type of relations to varying degree. Nexus of all these results in negative effect on economic status, livelihood, participation in public life, caste based discrimination and violation of human rights. Dalits have been confined to Dalits caste based occupations to serve the whole Nepalese society from very beginning and they could not enhance or develop their access to land which is not only a productive asset but it is a source of social and economic power, symbol of prestige and prosperity in agrarian society. Most of educated Dalit youth perceive that caste based discrimination and untouchablity is strongly associated with their occupations and they do not want to continue their ancestors’ professions. There is an ongoing debate about whether to modernise Dalits’ caste based occupations or not. Though there are a number of the state’s efforts for overall socioeconomic empowerment of marginalised communities the Dalits’ rights have been continually violated. Dalits poverty – human, economic and structural is a direct result of the caste system and subsequent social exclusion. The equity based approach to development and international human rights standards are not emphasising enough socioeconomic security of Dalit community in the Nepalese context.

- Purna Bahadur Nepali
Ph.D. Researcher
HNRSC, KU & NCCR North-South

Click here for: Traditional Caste Based Occupations

राजनैतिक पार्टी संविधानसभामार्फ नयाँ नेपाल निर्माणमा दलितप्रति बढी जिम्मेवार हुनुपर्छ ।

- भरत नेपाली

नेपालका तीन प्रमुख जिम्म्वार पार्टी ने.क.पा. माओवादी, ने.क.पा.एमाले र नेपाली काँग्रेसले नयाँ नेपालको स्थापना गर्न आफ्नो प्रतिवद्धताकासाथ आधारभुत र प्रमुख विषयलाई चुनावी एजेण्डाको रुपमा अगाडी सारेका छन् । यी पार्टीका घोषणापत्रलाई दलित समावेशीकरणका नीति तथा कार्यक्रमहरुको दृष्टिबाट नियाल्दा दलित उत्थानकालागि खासै महत्व दिइएको भेटिदैन । संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा संसदीय चुनावमा जस्तो विकासका नीति र कार्यक्रमहरु जनतासामु प्रस्तुत गर्ने भन्दा पनि पिछिडिएका, सिमान्तकृत र वञ्चितमा परेका समुदायका सवालहरुलाई सम्बोधन गरेर नयाँ संविधान निर्माण र नयाँ नेपालको संरचनाका मजबुत आधारहरु अघिसार्नु वर्तमान पर्रि्रेक्ष्यमा बढी सान्दर्भिक हुनआउँछ । तर संविधानसभालाई पार्टी घोषणापत्रहरुले संसदीय निर्वाचनको शैलीमा नै प्रस्तुत गरेको पाईन्छ । पार्टी मुलुकको समस्यालाई निकास दिन एउटै एजेण्डामा केन्द्रित भएर अगाडी बढेको स्थिति खासै तिनीहरुका चुनावी घोषणापत्रले देखाएनन् । यस्तो स्थितिमा दलितका सवाललाई घोषणापत्रमार्फ प्रमुख जिम्मेवार पार्टीले सम्बोधन कसरी गरेकाछन् भन्ने कुरामा चासो राख्नु र यसलाई केलाएर हर्ेर्नु अति आवश्यक छ ।

दुभाग्यपुण मान्नुपर्छ, माओवादीले शुरु गरेको जनयुद्ध र २०६२।६३ को जनआन्दोलन पश्चात दलितको सामाजिक, आर्थिक, राजनैतिक र शैक्षिक अवस्थाकावारेमा धेरै आवाज र वहस उठेतापनि समस्याको धरातल हेदा उपलब्धि शुन्य नै भएको छ । यस अर्थमा पनि ठोस शसक्त र प्रभावकारीरुपमा नेपालका राजनैतिक पार्टीले दलित उत्थान र मुत्तिmका लागी नीति तथ कार्यक्रम तर्ज्र्मा गरी कार्यन्वयन गर्न नसकेर नै दलित वर्गलाई मूलधारमा समाहीकरण गर्न ढिलाई भईरहेको तथ्यलाई भने बिर्सन सकिदैन । अझै विडम्बनाको कुरा के छ भने राजनैतिक पार्टी परिवर्तनकारी नेताहरुनै भेदभाव र कुसंस्कारको जालोबाट मुक्त हुन सकेका छैनन् । जिम्मेवार राजनैतिक व्यक्तिहरुको व्यवहारबाट नै दलितमाथि भेदभाव र उनीहरुको अधिकार सुनिश्चित हुन नदिने भुमिका खेलेको पाईन्छ ।

व्ािश्व समुदायले नयाँ नयाँ विज्ञान प्रविधिको आनन्द लिईरहेको वेला नेपालका दलित समुदायको जीवनलाई तुलना गर्दा विभेदपर्ूण्ा, अपहेलित र अत्यन्त कहाली लाग्दो छ । दलित समुदायको लागि एक्काइसौं शताब्दी नै सबैभन्दा झुठ र अनौठो सावित भएको छ । मध्ययुगिन १५औं १६औं शताब्दीको जस्तो कष्टकर, अपहेलित भई दोस्रो दर्जाको नागरिक भएर बाँच्नु दलितहरुको वाध्यता भएको छ । मुलुकी ऐन २०२० साल लगायत विगत र बर्तमानमा बनाईएका संविधानमा समेत जातिय विभेद गर्न नहुने र गरेमा सामाजिक अपराध मानिने भनी स्पष्ट व्यवस्था हुदाँहुदै पनि कतिपय ठाँउमा दलितहरु सामाजिक अपराधको शिकार बनिरहेकाछन् साथ्ौ हलिया, खलो, डोली, सिनो खाने जस्ता प्रथाको मारमा बाँचीरहेकाछन् । दलितहरु भुमीविहिन भएका कारण उनीहरुलाई कहिल्यै नछोड्ने गरी गरिवीले पछ्याईरहेको छ । उनीहरुसँग एक टुक्रा जमिन हुनु पनि ठूलो सम्पत्ति मानिन्छ, दलितहरुको आर्थिक अवस्थालाई अबलोकन गर्दा पहाडका दलितहरु उत्पादनमा अयोग्य सानो टुक्रा जमिनमा सास्तीपर्ुवक जीवन निर्वाह गरिरहेका पाईन्छन् भने तर्राईका दलितहरु भुमीहिन अवस्थामा कष्टकर जीवन विताईरहेका छन् । दलितहरुसँग आयआर्जन गर्ने अरु भरपर्दो सिप र उपाय नभएकाले कम ज्यालामा श्रमगर्न उनीहरु वाध्य छन् । ओत लाग्ने झुप्रो पनि अरुसँग जमीन मागेर वा हलियाप्रथाको शिकार भएर बनाउनु परेको विवशता छ । दलितहरुका परम्परागत सिपलाई राज्यले जगर्ेना गर्ने कुनै उपाय अवलम्बन गर्न सकिरहेको अवस्था छैन ।

श्ािक्षालाई आजको एक्काईसौं शताब्दीमा अति आवश्यक मानिएता पनि दलितका अधिकांश वालवालिका शिक्षावाट वञ्चित छन् । विद्यालयमा समेत दलित विद्यार्थीलाई भेदभाव गर्नुका साथ्ौ गरिवी, सामाजिक कुसंस्कारका कारण उनीहरुले भरपर्दो शिक्षाआर्जन गर्नसकेका छैनन् । आधारभूत शिक्षाबाट कोहीपनि बञ्चित हुनुहुदैंन, सबैलाई समान खालको शिक्षा हुनर्ुपर्छ भन्ने माग उठाउनु वर्तमान सर्न्दर्भमा जायज मानिन्छ । तर शिक्षामा व्यापारीकरणले गर्दा असमान खाले शिक्षाआर्जन गर्न नेपाली जनतालाई वाध्य वनाईएको छ । नेपालका वहुसंख्यक जनतालाई गुणात्मक शिक्षा हासिल गर्राई प्रतिस्पर्धामा जानबाट रोक लगाईएको छ । दलितहरुले यस्ताखाले सवै पीडा र शोषण खेप्नुवाहेक जीवनको अरु विकल्प देखेका छैनन् । राज्यले पनि पीडित दलित समुदायका लागि शिक्षालाई प्राथमिकता दिएर विकासको मुलप्रवाहमा ल्याउन उदासिनता देखाईरहेको अवस्था छ ।

जातीय विभेद एउटा सामाजिक समस्या हो । प्रत्यक्षरुपमा दलित वर्ग सामाजिक समस्याबाट पिडित भई समाजमा यसले नराम्रो असर पारेको छ । तर जातीय छुवाछुत दलितहरुको मात्रै समस्या हो भन्ने भुलले पनि कतिपय व्यक्ति र समाज परिवर्तनका संवाहक मानिनेहरुले नै दलितका समस्याप्रति आँखा चिम्लिरहेका छन् । समाजमा रहेको चर्को जातीय विभेद एक सामाजिक समस्या हो । यो समस्या समाधान गर्न नयाँ नेपाल निर्माण गर्ने अभियानमा सम्पर्ूण्ा राजनैतिक पार्टर्ीीले यसलाई प्रमुख एजेन्डा बनाएर दलित समस्याप्रति अरु सम्वेदनशील भएको देखाउन सक्नर्ुपर्छ । दलित सवालमा बढी सम्वेदनशील हुन पार्टर्ीीलाई दवाव सिर्जना गर्नुको कारण नयाँ नेपाल बनाउने प्रक्रियामा पछाडी पारिएका र शताव्दीयौदेखि वञ्चित समुदायलाई स्रोत र विकासका अवसरमा पहुँच वृद्धि गर्नु हो । ०६२/६३ को शान्तिपर्ूण्ा

जनआन्दोलनमा दलित समुदायले पनि उल्लेखनीय योगदान पुर्‍याएका थिए । उनीहरुले जनआन्दोलनमा खेलेको महत्वपर्ूण्ा योगदानलाई कसैले पनि भुल्नु हुदैन र यसको सम्मान गर्न राजनीतिक पार्टर्ीीले जान्नर्ुपर्दछ । आफ्नो उत्थान र मुक्तिका लागि दलितहरुको जीवन वलिदानलाई विर्सने चेष्टा कसैले पनि गर्नु हुदैंन ।
सम्पर्ुण्ा नेपाली जनता र युगको मागलाई सम्मान गर्दै नेपालका राजनैतिक पार्टर्ीी बहुदलिय लोकतान्त्रिक शासन प्रणालीलाई अवलम्वन गर्ने एजेण्डासहित आ-आफ्नो घोषणापत्र जनतामाझ ल्याई संविधानसभाको चुनावी मैदानमा उत्रिएका छन् । लोकतान्त्रिक संविधान निर्माणमा संविधानसभालाई माओवादी व्रि्रोहको शान्तिपर्ुण्ा अवतरण तथा सबैखाले राजनैतिक, आर्थिक र सामाजिक तथा साँस्कृतिक द्धन्द्धलाई निकास दिने अवसरको रुपमा लिइएको छ । नेपाली काँग्रेसले आफ्नो घोषणापत्रमा संविधानसभालाई नेपालको लोकतन्त्र, संविधानको सर्वोच्चता र विधिको शासन स्थापना गर्ने उच्चतम लोकतान्त्रिक अभ्यास हो भनी अङ्गकिार गरेको छ । त्यस्तै जनआन्दोलनको जनादेश अनुसार निरकुंश राजतन्त्रको अन्त्य र जनताको सम्प्रभुत्तासहित लोकतन्त्रको स्थापना, हिंसाको अन्त्य र दिगो शान्तिको स्थापना, पुरातन राज्यसंरचना र शासनको अन्त्य गरी राज्यको लोकतान्त्रिक ढंगले पर्ुनसंरचना गर्ने प्रतिवद्धता नेपाली काँग्रेसले आफ्नो घोषणापत्रमा जाहेर गरेको छ । ने.क.पा. एमालेले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनलाई लोकतन्त्र, दिगो शान्ति र अग्रगमनको माध्यम वनाएको छ । यस पार्टर्ीी आफ्नो घोषणापत्रमा “सवल र सम्वृद्ध नेपालको स्थापना”लाई परिकल्पनाको रुपमा अङ्गकिार गरेको छ । त्यस्तै ने.क.पा. माओवादीले आफ्नो परिकल्पना “समुन्नत नयाँ गणतान्त्रिक नेपालको स्थापना” भनी घोषणापत्रमा स्पष्ट उल्ल्ोख गरेको छ ।

पार्टर्ीीले घोषणापत्रमा दलितको आर्थिक, सामाजिक र शैक्षिक अवस्थामा सुधार ल्याउन केही कार्यक्रमहरु उल्ल्ोख गरिएकाछन् त्यसलाई अस्वीकार गर्न भने मिल्दैन । तर घोषणापत्रहरुमा पार्टर्ीी देखाएका इमान्दारीता र वफादारीताको भने धेरै गुणगान गाउनु बढीनै हुनआँउछ । हामीलाई थाहा छ कि दलित समुदाय आर्थिक, सामाजिक, राजनैतिक र शैक्षिक क्षेत्रको पहुँचभन्दा धेरै टाढा छन् । अहिलेसम्म राज्यले उनीहरुप्रति गरेको व्यवहारबाट यसलाई प्रमाणित गरिसकेको छ । जतिपनि नीति र कार्यक्रमहरु दलितको अवस्थामा सुधार ल्याउन तयार पारिए त्यसको प्रभावकारी कार्यान्वयन हुनसकेन । नीति र कार्यक्रमहरु अपर्याप्त त छँदै थिए तर बनेका नीति र कार्यक्रमलाई व्यवहारमा लागु गर्ने प्रयास विगतका दिनमा पटक्कै भएनन् । विगत जेजस्तो भएतापनि अहिलेको तरल राजनीतिक अवस्थामा राहत पाईएला कि भन्ने सोच दलितहरुले पक्कै राखेका छन्, अझैपनि राजनैतिक पार्टर्ीीले दलित समुदायलाई गुमराहमा राखेको तितो यथार्थ कायम नै छ ।
नेपाली काँग्रेसले आफ्नो पार्टर्ीीे घोषणापत्रमा राज्यको कर्तव्य “सम्वृद्ध र समतामुलक समाज” भनेर स्पष्ट लेखेको छ । दलितको उत्थान र भेदभावको अन्त्यलाई पनि महत्व दिएको छ । वनेका कानुन र संवैधानिक प्रवन्धलाई थप परिस्कृत गर्दै त्यसको कडा कारवाही गर्नु नेपाली काँग्रेसले अनिवार्य ठानेको छ । ने.क.पा. एमालेले सामाजिक नीति अन्तरगत छुवाछुतमुक्त राष्ट्रको घोषणालाई र्सार्थक वनाउनका लागि संवैधानिक र कानुनी व्यवस्थाकासाथ्ौ उपचारको विधिलाई प्रभावकारी वनाउने र दलितहरुको उत्थानका लागि प्रगतिशिल आरक्षणको नीति अवलम्बन गर्ने संकल्प गरेको छ । ने.क.पा. माओवादीले दलितमाथि हुने छुवाछुत लगायत सबै भेदभावको पर्ूण्ा अन्त्य गरी पुरै देशलाई छुवाछुतमुक्त इलाका घोषणा र छुवाछुत गर्नेहरुमाथि मानवता विरुद्ध अपराधको कडा कानुनी कारवाही गरिने कुरालाई आफ्नो पार्टर्ीीे घोषणापत्रमा प्रतिविम्वित गरेकेा छ ।

सामाजिक अन्याय र सामाजिक परिवर्तनकालागी पार्टर्ीीले घोषणापत्रमा व्यक्त गरेका यी माथिका कुरालाई सकारात्मक रुपमा चाँहि लिनर्ुपर्छ तर दलित समुदायको आर्थिक र शैक्षिक अवस्था सुधार्न खासै विशेष कार्यक्रम ल्याउन भने सकेका छैनन् , यसलाई विडम्वनापर्ूण्ा मान्नर्ुपर्छ । रोजगारीसहितको आर्थिक वृद्धि, विकास र सम्वृद्धिको प्रतिफल पिछडिएको वर्गमा पुर्‍याउनु, क्रान्तिकारी भुमीसुधार र भु-उपयोगको वैज्ञानिक नीतिको वारेमा राष्ट्रिय सहमति कायम गर्ने भन्ने कुरालाई राजनैतिक पार्टर्ीील्ेा आफ्नो घोषणापत्रमा लेखेतापनि वहुसंख्यक भूमीहिन दलितहरुलाई भूमी वितरण र भूमीअधिकार प्रदानका साथै उनीहरुको वसोवास, शिक्षा र स्वास्थ्य जस्ता समस्या समाधान गर्ने पक्षमा स्पष्ट किटान र व्याख्याको अभाव भेटिन्छ ।

दलितका शैक्षिक समस्यालाई समाधान गर्न पार्टर्ीीका घोषणापत्रले केहि बोलेका छैनन् । दलितको शैक्षिक र साक्षरताको स्थितिलाई हर्ेदा अन्य जात भन्दा दलित अति कमजोर देखिन्छन् । दलितमा भएको असाक्षरतालाई निर्मूलपार्न र दलित युवाहरुलाई गुणात्मक शिक्षा प्रदानगरी दक्ष्य जनशक्ति उत्पादन गर्ने पक्षमा भने कुनैपनि राजनैतिक पार्टर्ीी घोषणापत्र सकारात्मक देखिदैंनन् । जातीय भेदभाव र छुवाछुतको सवालमा आवाज उठ्दा शिक्षाले मात्र यस्ता कलङ्कलाई मेट्नसक्छ भनेर कहिल्यै नथाक्ने राजनीतिक नेताहरु र तिनीहरुले बनाएका आ-आफ्ना पार्टर्ीी घोषणापत्रमा दलितको शैक्षिक अवस्था उकास्ने बिषयमा भने मौन रहेको तितो सत्यता प्रमाणित हुनआउँछ ।

दलित समुदाय आफ्नो सामाजिक, आर्थिक र शैक्षिक अवस्था सुधारको आकांक्षा राख्दै संविधानसभाको चुनावमा भाग लिन र सोअनुसार संविधान निर्माण गर्न तत्कालिन अवस्थामा उत्सुक देखिएकाछन् । दलित समुदायको यो उत्सुकतालाई भने राजनैतिक पार्टर्ीी घोषणापत्रहरुले मत्थर बनाईदिएको छ । राजनैतिकरुपमा दलित समुदायको प्रतिनिधित्व न्युन हुने सम्भावना पार्टर्ीीले संविधानसभाको चुनावमा दलितहरुलाई दिईएको न्यून उम्मेेदवारीवाट पनि स्पष्ट हुन आएको छ । संविधानसभामा दलित प्रतिनिधित्व त न्युन हुने नै भयो तर दलितका आर्थिक, सामाजिक र शैक्षिक स्तर सुधारतर्फपार्टर्ीीले विशेष कार्यक्रम प्रस्तुत गर्न सकेनन् । शायद दलितहरुले आफ्ना सवाल र मागहरुलाई शसक्त ढंगले उठाउन नसकेर होकि भन्ने महशुश एकातिर गरिएको छ भने अर्काेतिर शान्तिपर्ूण्ा आन्दोलनलाई मात्र दलितहरुले अङ्गकिार गर्दा सुनुवाई हुन नसकेकोलेे दवावमूलक थप आन्दोलनको जरुरत देखिएको छ । तर्सथ, आगामी दिनमा दवाव दिनेेखालका आन्दोलनलाई उचाईमा पुर्‍याउन अत्यन्त आवश्यक छ । शसक्त आन्दोलनविना दलितका सवाल सम्बोधन हुन सक्दैन भन्ने पाठ वर्तमानले सिकाएको छ ।

अन्तमा प्रमुख जिम्म्ोवार तीनवटा पार्टर्ीी घोषणापत्रको अध्ययनवाट के देखिन्छ भने राजनैतिक पार्टर्ीीले समावेशी सिद्धान्तलाई अवलम्वन गरी समावेशी लोकतन्त्र स्थापना गर्ने महत्वपर्ूण्ा घडीमा पनि दलितलाई पुनः वेवास्ता र असमावेश गरेका छन् । प्रमुख राजनीतिक पार्टर्ीीले पटक पटक पर््रदर्शन गरेको असमावेशी र हेलचेक्रयाइको व्यवहार जसले जनसंख्याको २० प्रतिशत हिस्सा ओगटेका दलित समुदायको भविष्यमा कुठाराघात भएको छ । यसप्रति आम सचेत नागरिकहरुले आगामी नयाँसंविधान निर्माणको बखतमा दलितका सवाल र मागलाई सम्बोधन गर्न संविधानसभाले विर्सनु हुदैंन । यस महान अभियानमा सवैको संलग्नतारहेमा मात्र देशलाई समावेशी लोकतन्त्र, दिगो शान्ति र अग्रगमनको दिशामा अघि बढाउन सकिन्छ ।

Dalits and Women in Constituent Assembly in the Context of Creating New Nepal

- Bharat Nepali

The case for inclusion

Despite the serious deterioration of the pre-electoral environment, Nepali people are very eager to participate in the CA election and see the materialization of the republic free from violence and unrest. The historic Jana Aandolan II (Peoples Movement II) 2062/063 gave a mandate to seven political parties and its leaders of guaranteeing the basic rights of the Nepali citizen to formulate their constitution for themselves and to participate in free and fair Constituent Assembly elections in an environment free from fear. The Interim Constitution, 2063 of Nepal has already existed through political consensus, for an interim period until a new constitution has been made by the Constituent Assembly.

According to the provision made by Interim Constitution, the political parties will have to keep the principle of inclusiveness in mind while choosing the candidates for First Past the Post (FPTP) and listing the candidates pursuant to Proportional Representation (PR) based electoral system. They must be serious to ensure that people like women, Dalits (suppressed group), underprivileged tribes, aborigines, backward region, Madhesis and other classes are proportionally represented according to law. In order to resolve numerous outstanding issues and to develop a national consensus for the future of Nepal, it is essential that the CA is inclusive of all its ethnic groups, in particular women, Dalits, Janajatis and Madhesis.

The inclusion issue has been much hyped about in the recent political discourse but the political parties alone are not enough to address the situation of Dalits and women. One of the rising challenges within political parties is resentment against the lack of inclusiveness. Dalits and women feel alienated by the political parties, in terms of their participation and mainstreaming of their issues. The submissions of candidates for the CA election from the political parties of Nepal have not guaranteed proportionality. It became clear that the Interim Constitution and the Election Law could not achieve inclusive proportional representation, following analysis of candidates submitted by political parties. There is no guarantee of “inclusive proportional representation” of Dalits and women in the geographical constituency elections, though the parties are supposed to observe the “principle of inclusiveness” while selecting candidates.

Analysis of candidates for the Constituent Assembly

According to EC, 54 political parties have fielded a total of 6,000 candidates to contest the election for 335 seats allotted under the PR system. Of 6,000 PR based candidates, 3,047 (or 50.78 %) of the candidates are women and 2,953 (or 49.22 %) are male. It was found that among 685 (or 11.41 %) Dalits candidates, Dalit women and Dalit men are 376 (or 6.26%) and 309 (or 5.15) respectively. The Election Commission has published a list of 3,131 candidates for FPTP Electoral System from 54 political parties, in which only 322 (or 10.28 %) candidates are women; Dalit candidates only 177 (or 5.65 %); of which Dalit women are 27 (0.86%). Incorporating independent candidates, the total number of FPTP candidates is 3,947 numbers: male – 3,583 (or 90.78 %), female – 364 (or 9.22 %), Dalit male – 172 (or 4.36 %), Dalit female – 27 (or 0.68 %).

With regard to the candidates nominated by the 19 major political parties (those which have submitted more than 90), among the 4,090 PR based candidates, females occupy 2,052 (or 51 %) followed by males (1,968 or 48.95 %) and Dalits (489 or 12.16 %). Of 485 (or 12 %) Dalits, there are 280 (or 6.96 %) Dalit women followed by 209 (or 5.19 %) Dalit male. Under FPTP system, there are 2,644 candidates in all major parties. Among these, males occupy 2,372 or 89.7 % followed by women 272 or 10.28 %, and Dalits 108 or 4.08 % (Dalit male - 93 or 3.5 %, Dalit women – 15 or 0.56 %).

The lists of candidates shows that out of 1,670 PR based candidates within the seven parties alliance, 844 (or 50.5 %) are women, followed by 826 (or 49.46 %) male and 206 (or 12.32%) Dalits (Dalit women – 110 or 6.58 %, Dalit male – 96 or 5.74 %). The FPTP based candidates of seven parties’ alliance reveals 1,240 total candidates. Among them, male candidates occupies 1,069 (or 86.21 %) followed by women 171 (or 13.79 %) and Dalits 60 (or 4.83 %). Of 60 (or 4.83 %) Dalits, there are 49 (or 3.95 %) Dalit male and only 11 (or 0.88 %) Dalit women.

Political parties must include in their list people from various specified groups. The current rules require that 31.2 % must be Madhesi, 37.8 % Janajati, 13 % Dalits, 4 % from backward region and 30.2 % others. In each group 50 % must be women. Though a party may be able to have no Dalit candidates in the geographical constituencies it can not behave the same way with women. Counting both election processes together, 33 % of the candidates must be women. Half the list of party members must be women, so that each party must still have about 17 % women among its geographical constituency candidates in order to achieve 33 % over all.

Nominations of Dalits and women candidates not sufficient

If women are reserved 50 % seats in PR system and all women candidates won FPTP election, women will still not be represented to 33 % over all. Dalits got about 12 % of the proportional representation seats from counting all seats of 54 political parties, which is a significant number. However, Dalits hardly have got 4 % of the FPTP candidates and so if they cannot win any seats at all from any given geographical constituencies, they would be haing less than 5 % of the whole number of elected seats (both electoral system) in the CA. Without proportional representation of Dalit and women in the Constituent Assembly, the aspirations of excluded people can not be reflected in new constitution.

Political parties are not listening the demand of special rights (compensation) put forwarded by Dalit communities. Although Central Bureau of Statistics (CBS) data indicates that the Dalit population is 13 % of the whole population, Dalit organizations and research scholars don’t accept this. It is not possible that the Dalit population is reduced every ten years, as shown by the census. Some of the study carried out by Dalit organizations shows that Dalits occupies more than 20 % of whole population in Nepal. Accordingly, Dalits are demanding 20 % share in every aspect of political, social, educational enhancement process in the nation building campaign. Special provisions for Dalit inclusion is a prime agenda of Dalits to ensure proportional representation in creating a new Nepal.

The way forward

Dalits want respect, a decent life and end to discrimination and untouchability through adoption of the principle of proportional representation by the state based on inclusive principle and process. In order to end rampant caste discrimination and exclusion, to ensure proportional representation of Dalit community (on the basis of their population) at all levels and structures of the State and provide them with additional compensation, a strong pressure is required in the process of (new) constitution making and restructuring of the state. It might be a good time now to encourage a collective expression of solidarity from like minded groups and organization, so as to step up the Dalit movement by using a common agenda to influence and be involved more effectively in processes like the constitution making process. Since the Dalits do not need a separate state in a federal set-up, the new constitution should have a package policy to resolve the economic, political, administrative, social and cultural problems of Dalits in the federal state along with provision of representation.

संविधानसभामा दलित र महिलाको प्रतिनिधित्व न्यून हुने सम्भावना कायम नै छ ।

- भरत नेपाली
bharatvaba@gmail.com

नेपालको ऐतिहासिक कालखण्डदेखि धार्मिक-सांस्कृतिक परम्पराको नाममा देश र जनताको सेवा गर्दै आएका दलित समुदाय चरम जातीय भेदभाव र अन्यायको मारमा पर्दै आएका छन् । त्यस्तै आधा आकास आधा धर्ती थामेर परिवार र समाजको जगर्ेनामा अतुलनीय भूमिका निर्वाह गर्दै आईरहेका महिलाहरु पनि सामाजिक भेदभाव र अन्यायमा पारिएका छन् । नेपाली समाजमा दलित र महिलाहरुको अवस्था दयनीय र नाजुक छ । यिनीहरुमाथि विगतमा राज्यले नै नीतिगत ढंगबाट कानून बनाई उत्पीडन एवं शोषण गरेको तथ्य सवैका सामु र्छलंग छ । २०६२/६३ को ऐतिहासिक जनआन्दोलन भाग-२ ले निर्देशित गरेको भावना अनुरुप विद्यमान जातीय तथा लैंगिक शोषण, उत्पीडन, भेदभाव र अन्यायलाई निर्मुल गर्राई नयाँ राजनीतिक प्रणालीको स्थापना गर्न र राष्ट्रको मुल प्रवाहमा असमावेशी दलित र महिलालाई ल्याउन नयाँ संविधानमा उचित व्यबस्थापनका लागि चैत २८ गते संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन सम्पन्न हुन गईरहेको छ । जनआन्दोलनको माध्यमबाट जनताले अभिव्यक्त संघीय, समानुपातिक, समावेशी लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र र स्थायी शान्ति स्थापनाको भावनाले अधिकतम नागरिक अधिकार बहाली सहित उत्पीडन र अन्यायबाट दलित र महिलाहरुले मुक्ति पाउने विश्वास संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनपछि बन्ने नयाँ संविधानले गर्नेमा विश्वस्त छन् । नेपाली जनता समुन्नत, समृद्ध र नयाँ नेपाल बनाउनका लागि संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा भाग लिन आतुर छन् । संविधानसभाबाट नेपालमा शान्ति स्थापना गर्नु र समुन्नत देश बनाउनु आम नेपाली जनताको चाहना हो । यो चाहना तवमात्र पुरा हुन्छ, जव नयाँ नेपालको संरचनामा सम्पर्ण् जनताको भावना र मर्म प्रतिविम्बत गरिन्छ । तर बिडम्बनापर्ूण्ा भन्नर्ुपर्छ, जनताकार् इच्छा र आकांक्षालाई पुरा गर्न संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा नेपालका राजनीतिक पार्टीले मनोनयन गरी पेश गरेका उम्मेद्वारहरुको सूचीलाई दलित र महिलाको सर्न्दर्भमा समावेशी नजरबाट हेदा चिन्ताजनक देखिन आएको छ ।

बिडम्बना यस्तो हुन आएको छ कि, विभिन्न कालका राजनीतिक आन्दोलन र त्यसको सफलतापछि पनि सामाजिक रुपान्तरणका लागि राजनीतिक दल र नेताहरु क्रियाशील देखिँदैनन् र समस्याहरु ज्यूँका त्यूँ राख्ने जमर्को गरेको महसूस आम शोषित, पीडित वर्गलाई भएको छ । राजनीतिक पार्टी नेताहरुले जनतासामु बाचा गरेका प्रतिबद्धताहरु व्याबहारिक रुपमा लागू गर्न नसकेको प्रमाण प्रत्यक्ष र समानुपातिक निर्वाचनको लागि बन्दसूचीमा पेश गरिएका नामावलीलाई अध्ययन गर्दा काफी हुन्छ । वर्तमान तरल राजनीतिक अवस्थामा पनि प्रमूख जिम्मेवार पार्टीले नै दलित र महिलाहरुको सवालमा सम्बेदनशील हुन नसकेको अवस्था देखिन आउँछ । महिलाको पक्षमा समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत ५० प्रतिशत उम्मेद्वारी दिएको देखिन्छ भने प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचन प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत पुरानै पुरातनबादी सोच र परम्परा परिवर्तनकामी राजनीतिक पार्टी नेताहरुमा ग्रसित भएको अड्कलबाजी गर्न सकिन्छ । दलितको हकमा कुरा गर्दा केन्द्रीय तथ्यांक विभागले दिएको जनसंख्यालाई आधार मान्दा पुरा जनसंख्याको १३ प्रतिशत दलितले ओगटेको भेटिन्छ तर पनि यस तथ्यांकलाई दलित समुदायले मानिरहेको स्थिति छैन । उनीहरुको अध्ययनहरुले दलितको जनसंख्या २० प्रतिशतभन्दा माथि रहेको देखाएको छ । सरकारद्वारा प्रस्तुत जनसंख्याको आधारमा पनि पार्टीले समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीमा दलितहरुलाई उम्मेद्वारी दिन कन्जुस्याँइ गरेकाछन् । प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचन प्रणालीमा दलितहरुलाई यति धेरै उपेक्षा गरिएको छ कि यसको व्याख्या जोसुकैले पनि सजिलै गर्न सक्छ । यो समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको युग र नयाँ संविधान निर्माणको संघारमा गरिएको दलितहरुमाथिको अपमान र भेदभावको ज्वलन्त उदाहरण हो ।

संविधानसभा निर्वाचनका लागि ५४ वटा राजनीतिक दलहरुले समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत ६००० जना उम्मेद्वार बन्दसूचीमा पेश गरेका छन् । त्यस्तै गरी प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचन प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत ३१३१ जनालाई उम्मेद्वारी दिएर ५४ वटा पार्टीरु चुनावी मैदानमा उभिएका छन् । नेपालको अन्तरिम संविधान २०६३ मा “राजनीतिक दलले उम्मेद्वार चयन गर्दा समावेशी सिद्धान्तलाई ध्यान दिनुपर्ने र उम्मेद्वारको सूचीकृत गर्दा महिला, दलित, उत्पीडित जाति/आदिबासी जनजाति पिछडिएको क्षेत्र, मधेशीलगायत अन्य वर्गसमेतको समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व गराउनुपर्ने” स्पष्ट व्यबस्था गरेको छ । अन्तरिम संविधानले व्याख्या गरेअनुरुप समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली अनुसार हुने निर्वाचनका लागि ५४ राजनीतिक दलले आफ्नो दलको तर्फाट दिएका उम्मेद्वारको बन्दसूची लाई हेदा महिलाको लागि ३०४७ जना (५०.७८ प्रतिशत) उम्मेद्वारी दिएको देखिन्छ । यसलाई एक हदसम्म सकारात्मक रुपमा नै लिन सकिन्छ । तर दलितको जनसंख्याको प्रतिशतको आधारमा समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीमा दलित उम्मेद्वारको संलग्नतालाई नियालेर हेदा सकारात्मक पाउँन सकिँदैन । जम्मा ६००० उम्मेद्वारहरुमा दलित उम्मेद्वार ६८१ (११.३५ प्रतिशत) मात्र भेटिएको छ । निर्वाचन आयोगका अनुसार प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचन (पहिलो हुने निर्वाचित हुने) प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत ५४ राजनीतिक दलहरुले २४० निर्वाचन क्षेत्रमा ३१३१ जना उम्मेद्वारी दिईएकोमा महिलाको उम्मेद्वारी ३२२ (१०.२८ प्रतिशत) र दलितको १७७ (५.६५ प्रतिशत) परेको छ । दलित समुदायले माग गर्दै आएको विशेषाधिकारलाई पार्टीले उम्मेद्वारी दिने क्रममा नै अस्वीकार गरेका छन् । अर्कोतर्फ १९ वटा प्रमूख दलहरुको मात्र कुरा गर्दा समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वको आधारमा हुने निर्वाचन प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत कुल उम्मेद्वार संख्या ४०२० मा महिला २०५२ (५१.०४ प्रतिशत) र दलित ४८५ (१२.०६ प्रतिशत) पर्न आएको छ । प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचन प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत जम्मा २६४४ जनाको उम्मेद्वारी परेकोमा महिला २७२ (१०.२८ प्रतिशत) र दलित १०७ (४.०५ प्रतिशत) भेटिन आएको छ । त्यसैगरी सरकार चलाईरहेका ठूला सात पार्टीको उम्मेद्वारी चयनलाई हेदा उनीहरुले पनि समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व गराउन सकिरहेका देखिँदैनन् । उनीहरुलाई समावेशीको दृष्टिकोणबाट हेदा समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत उर्ठाईएका १६७० जना उम्मेद्वारहरुमा ८४४ (५०.५ प्रतिशत) महिला र २०२ (१२.०९ प्रतिशत) दलित उम्मेद्वार भेटिन्छन् । प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचन प्रणाली अर्न्तर्गत सात पार्टर्ीीले कुल १२४० जना उम्मेद्वार उठाएकोमा महिला १७१ (१३.७९ प्रतिशत) र दलित ६० (४.८४ प्रतिशत) मात्र छन् ।

समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको अभ्यासमा नेपालका राजनीतिक पार्टीले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनमा उठाएका दलित र महिला उम्मेद्वारको तथ्यांकबाट उनीहरुको भित्री आशय सजिलै बुझ्न सकिन्छ कि, असमावेशी वर्ग र समुदायको आवाजलाई वर्तमान राजनीतिक दलहरुको नीति र व्यबहारले संविधानसभामार्फ सम्बोधन गर्न सक्ने अवस्था झल्कँदैन । दलहरुले उठाएका सवै महिला उम्मेवारले प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचनमा जितेर आए पनि र उनीहरुलाई ५० प्रतिशत समानुपातिकमा सुरक्षित गर्राईएता पनि महिलाहरुको संविधानसभामा ३३ प्रतिशत प्रतिनिधित्व हुन सक्ने अवस्था देखिँदैन । दलितहरुको सवालमा कुरा गर्दा ५ प्रतिशत प्रतिनिधित्व हुन पनि कठिन देखिन्छ । मुलुकलाई यथास्थितिमा होईन अग्रगमनमा लैजानका लागि दलित, महिलालगायतका सवालहरुलाई अगाडि सारिएको वर्तमान पर्रि्रेक्ष्यमा बञ्चित समुदायको प्रतिनिधित्वविना संविधानसभाले पूर्णता पाउन सम्भव छैन । यसले नयाँ नेपालको संरचनामा सफलता पाउन कठिन छ । त्यसकारण दलित र महिलाको समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व अपरिहार्य छ । यस सवाललाई संविधान बनाउने प्रक्रियामा सवै राजनीतिक दलहरु, खास गरी चुनाव जितेर आउने पार्टर्ीीले गम्भीरतापर्ूवक लिनर्ुपर्छ । विशेषतः सवै दलहरुले समावेशी सिद्धान्तलाई व्यबहारमा उतार्ने मामलामा दृढ इच्छाशक्ति देखाउनर्ुपर्छ । तर संविधानसभाको लागि उर्ठाईएका दलित, महिला, पिछडिएका वर्ग तथा अन्य सिमान्तकृत समुदायको उम्मेद्वारीलाई अवलोकन गर्दा समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको अभ्यास गर्ने परिस्थिति सृजना भएको छैन । यस सम्बन्धमा हामी सवैले पुनः एकपटक घोत्लीएर सोच्नु पर्ने बेला आएको छ । नेपालका राजनीतिक पार्टीलाई समावेशी लोकतन्त्रको सिद्धान्त अवलम्बन गर्ने दिशामा निर्देशित गर्न आम सचेत जनताले सामूहिक दवाव दिनु पनि त्यत्तिकै आवश्यक छ । संविधानसभा निर्वाचनपछि चुनिएर आउने सदस्य जति आएपनि समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीबाट पार्टर्ीीको भागमा परेको सदस्यसंख्यामा अरु बढि लचकदार भई दलित र महिलालगायतको समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्वलाई सुनिश्चित गराउन पहलकदमी गर्नु नितान्त आवश्यक छ ।